Showing posts with label Thamvithya School. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Thamvithya School. Show all posts

Monday, 5 January 2026

Safe space amid border tensions: Cambodian Muslims in Thailand’s Deep South

By Don Pathan
Prachatai

Korean diplomats visiting Thamvithya Mulnithi School in Yala, Aug. 2023. The school is where the three Cambodian students are studying. (Credit: Don Pathan)


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When cross-border fighting erupted between Thailand and Cambodia in late July, Hamad Sos received urgent messages from his family in Cambodia encouraging him to come home immediately.

They feared for his safety as anti-Khmer sentiment swept through Thailand during the clashes between the two Buddhist kingdoms over disputed ancient Hindu temples along their undemarcated border.

Yet after eight years of living and studying in Yala, the 20-year-old considers this city his second home. A student at Thamavitya Mulniti School, Hamad is nearing completion of the Tahfiz Science Programme, the rigorous and systematic process of memorizing the entire Quran.

His academic journey will next take him to Al-Azhar University in Cairo, Egypt, one of the world's premier institutions for Islamic scholarship.

Though his Tahfiz Science classes are taught in Arabic, Hamad found learning the local Malay dialect surprisingly easy. His native Cham language and Bahasa Melayu belong to the same Malayo-Chamic language family. Cham and Malay share a more recent common ancestry than they do with other Austronesian languages such as Javanese or Tagalog.

Hamad returns home annually to see family in Kracheh, an eastern Cambodian province along the Vietnamese border. Still, Yala feels equally like home. Muslims comprise about three percent of Cambodia's population, predominantly from the Cham ethnic group. Throughout his time in Thailand's Malay-speaking South, Hamad says he has never experienced discrimination. "Some people asked about the border conflict out of curiosity, but the overwhelming majority made sure I knew I was welcome here," he explains.

The July violence was not the first military confrontation between Thailand and Cambodia, though it proved the most devastating in human and economic terms. Following fighting that displaced more than 500,000 people on both sides, a second ceasefire was established on December 27, 2025.

According to Razi Bensulong, the school's director, Cham students integrate seamlessly into the local community due to cultural similarities and because Patani Malays look past nationalist narratives promoted by Thai and Cambodian state institutions, focusing instead on their shared identity.

“The Patani region is their safe-space, away from the nation-state construct and the toxic nationalism that comes with it,” said Asst Prof Ekkarin Tuansiri of the Faculty of Political Science at Prince of Songkhla University, Pattani Campus.

"Malays of Patani possess their own distinct identity and historical-cultural narrative that sets them apart from the rest of Thailand," explains Artef Sohko, President of The Patani, a political action group advocating self-determination rights for people in this historically disputed southern region.

Thai Muslims—those outside the Malay-speaking South—face anti-Islam sentiment but constantly look for ways to demonstrate their deep patriotism and loyalty to the country.

They resent those who challenge the state-constructed narrative and are upset at the Patani Malays for rejecting Thainess or “khwam pen Thai” and for taking up arms against the government in pursuit of a separate state.

The Malays of Patani, conversely, reject state-constructed narratives and continuously seek ways to affirm their historical-cultural identity. For Patani Muslims, their Malay identity and Islam are intrinsically linked. Embracing a Thai identity as put forth by the policy of assimilation would automatically undermine their ethno-religious identity.

Patani Malays and Cambodian Chams are both ethnic minorities within two different Buddhist kingdoms. While Malays in Thailand's far South are locked in conflict with a state that views their identity and narrative as threatening national unity, Cambodian Muslims generally maintain a low political profile, concentrating on preserving religious and cultural practices rather than challenging state authority.

Champa was a group of independent Cham polities along the central and southern part of Vietnam from the 2nd century AD to 1832. Known for its maritime power, trade, and culture, the kingdom was influenced by Indian Shaiva Hinduism and built notable temples such as Mỹ Sơn. Muslim traders arrived in the area in the 8th century, and conversion to Islam started around the 15th century. Waves of migration to Cambodia started in the late 15th century following the capture of Cham’s capital, Vijaya, in 1471, by the Vietnamese kingdom’s southward expansion.

For centuries, Muslim students from the Malay Peninsula have travelled to Patani for Islamic education. The region has produced internationally renowned scholars such as Shaykh Dawud al-Fatani and Shaykh Ahmad al-Fatani, whose 19th-century writings remain foundational to Islamic studies across Southeast Asia.

While Thamavitya is classified as a private religious school that incorporates a Thai curriculum with Islamic studies, Muslim students from neighbouring countries are attracted to the region’s traditional Islamic boarding schools known locally as ponoh. They operate informally with minimal or no government regulations and oversight. As an institution, ponoh remain central to Malay-Muslim life in the far South and essential for preserving the cultural heritage along with religious studies.

Shahida Ly-zakariya, a 16-year-old second-year Islamic studies student at Thamavitya's secondary school, comes from Phnom Penh. An avid traveller who has explored the Andaman coast multiple times, she hopes to attend flight school in the United States or Australia after graduation. "I think Phuket is just so beautiful," she says.

"My father has visited Yala several times and loves everything about this place—the people, the schools. He holds the religious institutions here in high regard because of their standardized teachings," Shahida notes.

Her 16-year-old cousin Riduan, also studying at Thamavitya's secondary level, believes unfounded fear surrounds Thailand's Malay-speaking South, particularly among those who have never visited or made efforts to understand local people and their way of life.

All three students learned about Patani through friends and relatives who studied there, returned to Cambodia, and encouraged them to pursue their religious education in this region. Separatist insurgency violence in the Patani region is not an issue for them as they keep to themselves and focus on their studies.

Razi notes that local hospitality extends beyond Muslims. "People here appreciate visitors and migrant workers. “The people who built the school mosque were Buddhists from Myanmar, Cambodia and Thailand's Northeast. Three different languages filled the air as they worked around the clock to complete the mosque construction in time for our annual cultural event," he recalls.

Artef contends the Thai state has never attempted to understand this region's people. "By fixating on assimilation, the Thai state overlooks the strategic value of existing human connections, which could serve as powerful soft-power tools for regional diplomacy, particularly with Cambodia," he argues.

Armed insurgency in this historically contested region reemerged in mid-2001 after a relatively peaceful decade. Since January 2004, separatist violence has claimed more than 7,700 lives, with no resolution in sight, despite intermittent peace talks that have never progressed beyond preliminary discussions.

Don Pathan is a Thailand-based security analyst specializing in the Myanmar/Burma conflict and insurgency in Thailand's Malay-speaking South.


Wednesday, 18 January 2017

Beacon for peace in far South is extinguished

The condolences from Premier Prayut Chan-o-cha over Sapae-ing Basor’s death carry tragic echoes of missed opportunities

Don Pathan
YALA, Thailand

Just a decade ago, in 2006, when Interior Ministry Permanent Secretary Grisada Boonrach was assigned vice governor of Yala, he would stop by and check on security officers manning the checkpoints in and around his restive province.

One late afternoon he came across a young man, a Muslim, who appeared to be slightly intoxicated.

“Are you Malayu [ethnic Malay]?” Grisada asked, to which the young man replied, “yes” without hesitation.

“Then why are you drunk?” barked Grisada.

The young man snapped back, asking the then-vice governor, “Who are you, Sapae-ing Basor?”

Grisada would learn soon learn more about the moral authority of one of Thailand’s most-wanted men, who at one time had a Bt10 million police bounty on his head.

Sapae-ing was perceived by many as the spiritual leader of Muslims in this Malay-speaking region. He was accused by the Thai police of being the leader of the Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN), a longstanding separatist movement that surfaced in the early 1960s and today commands well over 90 per cent of insurgents operating in the South.
About 2,500 local residents and students gather at the Thamvithya Mulnithi School on Monday, Jan 16, 2017, to bid farewell to former principal Sapae-ing Basor, the spiritual leader for the Malay Muslims in the region accused by the Thai police of being a separatist leader. Photo by: IBROHEM MASOH
Sapae-ing fled his Yala home in December 2004 to escape arrest. Then-Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, in one of his weekly radio address, claimed Sapae-ing was poised to become overall leader of a liberated Patani.

Thaksin accused this Thamvithya School principal of leading an army bent on carving out a separate homeland for the Malay Muslims in the southernmost provinces, a region historically known as Patani.

The arrest warrant for Sapae-ing was signed off by Thaksin’s point-man for the far South, Police Colonel Thawee Sodsong, on December 14, 2004. A decade later, Thawee would become the key figure in a peace initiative launched by the Yingluck government on February 28, 2013, during which another concerted effort was made to reach out to Sapae-ing for help.

Last week, upon learning news about Sapae-ing’s death, Thawee showed up in Pattani’s Yarang district to personally express condolences to the late principal’s family.

Senior government officials who examined the warrant said the evidence against Sapae-ing was extremely flimsy and suspected it was motivated by Thaksin and his cronies’ agenda. They saw him as an easy target to get at the movement because students from his school had joined the insurgent movement.

It would be some time before the government in Bangkok realised that they weren’t just fighting young men with guns. They were up against an entirely different cultural and historical narrative that was breeding a new wave of separatist militants bent on forging a separate homeland.

Thai security planners eventually learned about Sapae-ing’s integrity, together with his strong religious credentials, and sought his help to end the conflict. Through him, they saw an opportunity to communicate with the Malays of Patani. But Bangkok was never clear as to what message it wanted to send or what kind of compromises it was willing to make with the Malays.

It took the Thais some time to realise that they weren’t fighting against “sparrow bandits” – young men who had embraced distorted Islam and history – as Thaksin and many Thai officials would describe them. They were actually battling a competing history and a narrative that Sapae-ing exemplified.

Attempts to get this spiritual leader to the negotiating table were fruitless because, according to people who knew him, Sapae-ing didn’t see the conflict as being about him but about the people of Patani. Furthermore, he sensed the Thais were unwilling to make any concessions to his people and had failed to understand the root causes and grievances of the people in this region.

It was said he could have cut a deal for himself but he chose not to do so. Too much was riding on his shoulder and he wasn’t about to sell out, said exiled separatist leaders.

Artef Sohko, a youth activist and graduate of Thamvithya, said there was no leader in the Patani region who could match the level of respect and admiration that Sapae-ing commanded.

“There was nothing beneath him. He practices what he preaches. That kind of moral authority is hard to find nowadays,” said Artef, recalling how Sapae-ing would often tour the school grounds picking up trash to set a good example for students.

The historical Patani sultanate, once known for its ports and commerce and business dealings with Western merchants, has been subsumed into four provinces of Thailand. Most Thais do not care to learn about this region’s glorious past, preferring to swallow a state-constructed narrative that encompasses the Malays but fails to recognise their difference.

But the mystique continues to shape the cultural and historical narrative for the people of this region and the end result is a series of separatist movements.

Sapae-ing was very much a part of that narrative – an example of how the state fails to people who embrace a different narrative and cultural identity with respect and understanding.

Those who knew Sapae-ing said he was the most selfless person they ever encountered. They said he always placed the needs and dignity of his community before his own, and that’s why he refused to deal with the Thais during his years in exile.

His students loved him dearly. Many even considered a whooping from him a blessing that helped set them on the right path in life. Parents adored his strict discipline as a protection against their young ones being led astray by rapid social change which is compromising the longstanding traditional values of this conservative community.

According teachers at Thamvithya School, Sapae-ing liked to patrol beer joints and hangouts after school to see if any of his students were there. Any that he caught could be sure of swift and painful justice.

Even after he disappeared from public sight, locals continued to talk about him. The mystique surrounding this righteous man of religion never seemed to fade. Some of those who observed his role in the regional conflict referred to Sapae-ing as “Yoda”, the wise and powerful Jedi master from George Lucas’ “Star Wars”.

Some young militants even believed he was blessed with the power of invisibility or omniscience. They spoke as if he had never left them. As far as many of them were concerned, he never did; he was always in their hearts and minds.

But after he was demonised and dismissed by Thaksin and his ilk as a power-hungry individual eager to be ruler of a liberated Patani, it was hard for any political or security official to take a softer or more subtle line. Pressure to end the conflict was too high and the Thai leaders couldn’t afford to look weak.

But when news about Sapae-ing’s death reached Bangkok, Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha promptly expressed condolences to his family. A gesture of goodwill is never too late, it seems.

“It could be that he [Prayut] wanted to make the Thais, the state and the government look less guilty because they were the ones who forced him to go out [into exile],” said Nualnoi Thammasathein, a veteran documentary producer and former London-based BBC reporter, who has done much work on the far-South conflict.

“They [the Thai government] look vulnerable, not sensible. I doubt that he [Prayut] did it for the family, but rather for himself and his government – maybe even to lift himself a little bit higher in the eyes of the Malays,” she added.

Prayut even instructed the Army to help his family transport Sapae-ing’s body back to Yala from Malaysia’s Terengganu state. Similar treatment was extended to the family of Romli Uttarasin, considered a founding father of the BRN, when he died in Malaysia in February 2010.

Thai security officials, on the other hand, said resolving the conflicts in this region will be harder without Sapae-ing, who could have played a crucial role in implementing any deal between the Thai state and the Malays of Patani.

Sources in the BRN said Sapae-ing would be greatly missed but their fight against the Thai security forces would continue until they achieved their aims. Independence remains one of those aims, but sources add that they were willing to negotiate with the Thais if the conditions are right. This means foreign governments observing the talk to ensure international best practice governs negotiations.

Bangkok will likely give the BRN the cold shoulder, demanding that the group join up with the separatist umbrella organisation MARA Patani for the ongoing peace initiative with the Thai government.

The Nation

Don Pathan is a Thailand-based security consultant and a member of Patani Forum (www.pataniforum.com), a civil society organisation dedicated to critical discussion on the conflict in the far South.

Thursday, 12 January 2017

Thailand's Muslims mourn death of spiritual leader

https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics-Economy/Policy-Politics/Thailand-s-Muslims-mourn-death-of-spiritual-leader


DON PATHAN, Contributing writer
Nikkei Asian Review
Sapae-ing Basor escort then PM Chuan Leekapi through school ground
during a visit in early 1990s. Between them is Haji Harun Sulong, the rector
of the school and Sapae-ing's father-in-lasw. (Courtesy of the Basor family).

YALA, Thailand -- Muslims in Thailand's southernmost provinces are bidding farewell to a prominent spiritual leader accused by Thai police of leading a separatist movement intent on carving out a homeland for ethnic Malays in the region.

Wartani News, a local media outlet, quoted family members of Sapae-ing Basor as saying he had passed away on Jan. 10 while living in exile in Malaysia. He died of a lung infection after being treated for diabetes and heart disease. He was 81.

About 2,500 people congregated on Monday morning at Thamvithya Mulnithi, a high school in southern Yala province where Sapae-ing served as principal until he fled the country in December 2004. Sapae-ing had been charged with treason by police over his alleged involvement in a series of attacks on police and military facilities in the region.