No red carpet for Thaksin in the US

The PM will have an uphill battle to restore US trust after his 'neutrality' comment on the war on terrorism

Don Pathan

The Nation

A friend in need is a friend indeed, so the old saying goes. But when old pal Washington came knocking on its door after the September 11 attacks, Thailand would only let Uncle Sam peep through the crack. 

That was when Thailand and the international community were put on the spot. The leader of the most powerful nation in the world had drawn a line in the sand: "Either you're with us or you're with them," US President George W Bush said as he declared war on international terrorism. 

But Thailand and Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra didn't know what to make of it. Thinking that it was the safest way out, he proclaimed that the country would take a "neutral" stance in this fight.

Thaksin's message to Washington was that while Thailand sympathised with America over the death of nearly 4,000 innocent people, the US government was over-reacting. 

Washington's reply to Thailand was blunt. The country was told that it risked being regarded as "irrelevant" in the new post-September 11 world order if it chose to remain neutral. 

Little did Thaksin know that this one word would make such a world of difference in Thai-US relations.

Government House insiders and others in the know said things got messy for a while. They said a number of diplomatic and military old hands with strong links to the US had to step in and help clear the air.

"It was very confusing. Thailand went from being |neutral to supporting the UN resolution on terrorism, and afterwards proclaiming that it would expand its war on |terrorism," said a Thai politician familiar with Thai-US relations.

For the time being, it appears the damage has been contained, though others say the Americans could still be upset by the fact that Thaksin will not visit the Pentagon - one of the sites of the September 11 attack - "for fear it would antagonise the Muslim community".

Nevertheless, the premier will be facing an enormous task in trying to negotiate with the Americans at a time when they are in no mood to see him.

Immediately after the September 11 atrocities, the United States was counting on moral and diplomatic support from treaty allies like Thailand. But Bangkok didn't understand the significance of claiming neutrality in a crisis of this scale.

"The Washington crowd saw this as a slap in the face," said Panitan Wattanayagorn, a leading Thai academic on international relations. 

"Principally, it might have been the right thing to do. But diplomatically, it unnecessarily created unwanted attention," Panitan added.

The premier, he said, had allowed public opinion to sway him while overlooking the national interest and what has been termed a "moral obligation" to help an ally.

Perhaps more than anybody the Thai Army understood the American psychology and needs at a time of crisis. Though obligated by treaty and memoranda of understanding to assist in times of trouble, the Thai top brass also well knew Americans were merely looking for moral support to regain their confidence. The Thai Army, meanwhile, reached out to their American counterparts by promising to incorporate anti-terrorism in the annual Cobra Gold military exercise.

For those who threw their support behind Washington, it was time to make hay. The Philippines came from nowhere to become a "good friend", with promises of more military hardware to fight Muslim separatists, while Pakistan went from being on a number of watch lists to America's sweetheart.

China went from a "strategic competitor" to a "strategic partner" in a matter of days. To show that he meant business, Bush travelled to China. Though the occasion was the Apec summit, for the American president it was an opportunity to show the Chinese that a new spirit of partnership had been forged. 

"Bush had enough reasons to stay at home with the people, but the fact that he chose to go to Shanghai really said something about his determination to win Chinese support," said another Bangkok-based diplomat.

Russia also got the full red-carpet treatment, not to mention the famed Texas hospitality and home cooking, during President Vladimir Putin's recent visit to the US.

The irony of all this is that ever since the Bush team set foot in the White House, the hawks in the cabinet were set to play hardball with Beijing. 

Japan and Germany, meanwhile, went to great pains to show they were capable of taking the heat at home by coming out strongly in support of the US. Indonesia's President Megawati Sukarnoputri stood her ground, went against the public mood, and declared her support for the fight against global terrorism.

"All these countries saw there was a common ground and a new coalition came out of it," Panitan said.

And when Thailand started to change its tune, it was too little and too late. The window of opportunity is gone and it is very unlikely that Thaksin will be getting any special treatment, unless of course he goes to Washington with something to offer.

In the official itinerary of his "working visit" there will be no 19- or 21-gun salute, no Rose Garden joint press conference and no luncheon with Bush. The highlight of the trip will be a 40-minute meeting with selected Cabinet members from both sides. 

Thaksin supporters are quick to argue that Washington didn't care about the region when he came into office and that it wasn't until after September 11 that its attitude began to change. The premier had wanted to visit the US earlier in the year but was told to hold off until the Constitution Court verdict on his corruption charges. 

Also there was the hostile foreign media which tried to paint the Thai premier as a "Thai Con", and as a man who entered politics to protect and enhance his business empire.

His critics, on the other hand, maintain the premier has a track record of getting himself into hot water. Among other things, they cited his famous Escap speech about the need for an Asian economic model, and to his comment about the service on Thai Airways International, not to mention the wishy-washy stance on terrorism.

Nevertheless, in his upcoming trip to Washington, Thaksin will try hard to put Thailand back on the Americans' radar screen. What he says or does will shape Thai-US relations as redefined by the aftermath of September 11.

No red carpet for Thaksin in the US

Don Pathan
The Nation

The PM will have an uphill battle to restore US trust after his 'neutrality' comment on the war on terrorism

A friend in need is a friend indeed, so the old saying goes. But when old pal Washington came knocking on its door after the September 11 attacks, Thailand would only let Uncle Sam peep through the crack. \

That was when Thailand and the international community were put on the spot. The leader of the most powerful nation in the world had drawn a line in the sand: "Either you're with us or you're with them," US President George W Bush said as he declared war on international terrorism. 

But Thailand and Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra didn't know what to make of it. Thinking it was the safest way out, he proclaimed that the country would take a "neutral" stance in this fight.

Thaksin's message to Washington was that while Thailand sympathized with America over the death of nearly 4,000 innocent people, the US government was overreacting. 

Washington's reply to Thailand was blunt. The country was told that it risked being regarded as "irrelevant" in the new post-September 11 world order if it chose to remain neutral. 

Little did Thaksin know that this one word would make such a world of difference in Thai-US relations.

Government House insiders and others in the know said things got messy for a while. They said a number of diplomatic and military old hands with strong links to the US had to step in and help clear the air.

"It was very confusing. Thailand went from being |neutral to supporting the UN resolution on terrorism, and afterward proclaiming that it would expand its war on |terrorism," said a Thai politician familiar with Thai-US relations.

For the time being, it appears the damage has been contained, though others say the Americans could still be upset by the fact that Thaksin will not visit the Pentagon - one of the sites of the September 11 attack - "for fear it would antagonize the Muslim community".

Nevertheless, the premier will be facing an enormous task in trying to negotiate with the Americans at a time when they are in no mood to see him.

Immediately after the September 11 atrocities, the United States was counting on moral and diplomatic support from treaty allies like Thailand. But Bangkok didn't understand the significance of claiming neutrality in a crisis of this scale.

"The Washington crowd saw this as a slap in the face," said Panitan Wattanayagorn, a leading Thai academic on international relations. 

"Principally, it might have been the right thing to do. But diplomatically, it unnecessarily created unwanted attention," Panitan added.

The premier, he said, had allowed public opinion to sway him while overlooking the national interest and what has been termed a "moral obligation" to help an ally.

Perhaps more than anybody the Thai Army understood the American psychology and needs at a time of crisis. Though obligated by treaty and memoranda of understanding to assist in times of trouble, the Thai top brass also knew Americans were merely looking for moral support to regain their confidence. The Thai Army, meanwhile, reached out to their American counterparts by promising to incorporate anti-terrorism in the annual Cobra Gold military exercise.

For those who threw their support behind Washington, it was time to make hay. The Philippines came from nowhere to become a "good friend", with promises of more military hardware to fight Muslim separatists, while Pakistan went from being on a number of watch lists to America's sweetheart.

China went from a "strategic competitor" to a "strategic partner" in a matter of days. To show that he meant business, Bush traveled to China. Though the occasion was the Apec summit, for the American president it was an opportunity to show the Chinese that a new spirit of partnership had been forged. 

"Bush had enough reasons to stay at home with the people, but the fact that he chose to go to Shanghai really said something about his determination to win Chinese support," said another Bangkok-based diplomat.

Russia also got the full red-carpet treatment, not to mention the famed Texas hospitality and home cooking, during President Vladimir Putin's recent visit to the US.

The irony of all this is that ever since the Bush team set foot in the White House, the hawks in the cabinet were set to play hardball with Beijing. 

Japan and Germany, meanwhile, went to great pains to show they were capable of taking the heat at home by coming out strongly in support of the US. Indonesia's President Megawati Sukarnoputri stood her ground, went against the public mood, and declared her support for the fight against global terrorism.

"All these countries saw there was a common ground and a new coalition came out of it," Panitan said.

And when Thailand started to change its tune, it was too little and too late. The window of opportunity is gone and it is very unlikely that Thaksin will be getting any special treatment unless, of course, he goes to Washington with something to offer.

In the official itinerary of his "working visit," there will be no 19- or 21-gun salute, no Rose Garden joint press conference, and no luncheon with Bush. The highlight of the trip will be a 40-minute meeting with selected Cabinet members from both sides. 

Thaksin supporters are quick to argue that Washington didn't care about the region when he came into office and that it wasn't until after September 11 that its attitude began to change. The premier had wanted to visit the US earlier in the year but was told to hold off until the Constitution Court verdict on his corruption charges. 

Also, there was the hostile foreign media which tried to paint the Thai premier as a "Thai Con", and as a man who entered politics to protect and enhance his business empire.

His critics, on the other hand, maintain the premier has a track record of getting himself into hot water. Among other things, they cited his famous Escap speech about the need for an Asian economic model, and his comment about the service on Thai Airways International, not to mention the wishy-washy stance on terrorism.

Nevertheless, in his upcoming trip to Washington, Thaksin will try hard to put Thailand back on the Americans' radar screen. What he says or does will shape Thai-US relations as redefined by the aftermath of September 11.

Taliban flees Kandahar with weapons

Seacoastonline

Don Pathan, Associated Press
December 7, 2001

JABAL SARAJ, Afghanistan — Aided by heavy U.S. bombing, opposition forces said they seized a district near Mazar-e-Sharif from Taliban forces Wednesday and were closing in on the key northern city.

Opposition troops took control of Shol Ghar district, about 30 miles from Mazar-e-Sharif, and some units were just eight miles south of the city, said northern alliance spokesman Ashraf Nadeem. The report could not be independently confirmed, and there was no Taliban comment.

The Taliban captured the city in 1998, and losing it would seriously weaken the Islamic militia's position in northern Afghanistan. The northern alliance said it captured several areas south of the city on Tuesday.

U.S. jets played a critical role in the opposition advance, targeting several pickup trucks packed with departing Taliban troops as well as hitting fortified positions, Nadeem said by satellite telephone.

U.S. warplanes also bombed behind Taliban positions on the Kabul front Wednesday. Witnesses said they heard no anti-aircraft fire from Taliban fighters, who have periodically tried to shoot down U.S. jets since the bombing began exactly a month ago.

American jets dropped dozens of bombs late Tuesday and throughout the day Wednesday around positions about 30 miles north of Kabul, the capital. Some explosions were followed by up to 30 smaller detonations.

One blast sent up a huge streak of gray smoke that spread into a white mushroom cloud. U.S. planes circled overhead.

An opposition commander, Qand Agha, 30, said a U.S. jet hit a Taliban tank northeast of Kabul and that a B-52 bomber dropped 20 bombs around the front line in one hour Wednesday afternoon.

"It is improving but it is not enough," Agha said of the bombing. "I would like to see the Americans drop at least 200 bombs a day."

Abdul Maaruf, a 17-year-old opposition fighter with blue, sparkling heart stickers decorating his Kalashnikov, said Taliban artillery fire had diminished in recent days, possibly because gunners were choosing to hold their fire.

"If they don't see any planes, they fire on us," Maaruf said. Taliban trucks have recently arrived with supplies, he said.

Agha said the Taliban were saving their ammunition, possibly expecting an opposition offensive. Four of his fighters watched the front from a rooftop lookout while the other dozen members of the unit played volleyball as the sun set over the plain.

A warmer spell was melting snow on the surrounding Hindu Kush mountains, and opposition fighters said trucks might be able to cross again soon, at least until the next snowfall. But they predicted the passes will snow over by the end of the month, choking off supply routes until spring.

In villages surrounding Jabal Saraj, fliers that witnesses said were jettisoned from a B-52 bomber tumbled from the sky. Children and adults scrambled to pick them up.

The fliers showed a picture of a radio and antenna, and detailed times and frequencies for radio broadcasts in the local Pashtun and Dari languages. The United States has been broadcasting anti-Taliban statements into Afghanistan.

The Taliban's Bakhtar News Agency said bombs north of Kabul, in the eastern city of Jalalabad and the western city of Herat on Tuesday and Wednesday killed at least 23 people and injured several dozen others. The report could not be independently confirmed, and the Pentagon has denied Taliban claims of widespread civilian casualties.

Bakhtar said that U.S. planes dropped food packets before launching bombing raids, but that angry residents burned the aid.

At the Pentagon, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld said Tuesday that an assessment of the opposition claims of gains outside Mazar-e-Sharif would have to wait until the "dust settled."

But after seesawing battles south of the city in recent weeks, the opposition said intense strikes by American planes had opened the way. The alliance had complained earlier that U.S. bombing was not heavy enough.

Nadeem said 500 Taliban soldiers had crossed over to the opposition side. The Taliban have previously denied reports of defections from its ranks.

The northern alliance's key Shiite Muslim commander, Mohammed Mohaqik, said Wednesday he wanted the assault on Mazar-e-Sharif to be carried out in a way that would minimize civilian casualties. Mazar-e-Sharif has a large Shiite Muslim population, although its majority is ethnic Tajik.

"We have to make plans over the next two days as to how to take Mazar-e-Sharif, to reduce the number of casualties," he said. "But it's a war, and with exchange of artillery fire and rockets, people will die."

The Pentagon has said small numbers of American special forces teams are working with northern alliance forces to train and equip them, provide them with additional ammunition and weaponry, and identify targets for U.S. strike aircraft.

But with winter is closing in, bad weather could choke off supply routes for troops. The Pentagon says it intends to start delivering cold-weather clothing to the northern alliance.

President Bush launched airstrikes against Afghanistan on Oct. 7 after the ruling Taliban militia refused to hand over Osama bin Laden for his alleged role in the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks on the United States.\

On Tuesday, Bush pledged "to keep relentless military pressure" on bin Laden and the Taliban, saying it is essential to keep terrorists from acquiring nuclear, chemical and biological weapons.

https://www.seacoastonline.com/story/news/2001/12/07/taliban-flees-kandahar-with-weapons/51296565007/

 

Afghnistan war: 'Northern Alliance needs US air strikes to make a dent in Taliban defence'

Though the Northern Alliance has arrayed its troops on the Shomali plains, it will depend on decisive US air strikes to make a dent in the Taliban defence.

Don Pathan
India Today

Bagram, Afghanistan

Sitting behind a sandbag on a rooftop watching Taliban soldiers just 500 metres away, an opposition Northern Alliance frontline commander, Major Khata, talks about the shortage of ammunition and the step up in American air strikes against the Taliban.

"If the American air strikes are adequate, then we won't need so much supplies," Khata says. Minutes later, US war jets roar over the Shomali plains, about 45 km north of Kabul, dropping 12 bombs in a period of one hour on Taliban positions just a kilometre from where Khata is sitting.

Though the strikes were far from what is commonly referred to by military men as "carpet bombing", US attacks in recent days have indeed intensified over previous weeks. By the middle of the week, US B-52 bombers were dropping the famed "daisy cutter" bombs that are among the most powerful conventional munitions of their kind.

It marked another major shift in the US bombing strategy. There seemed to be a new sense of urgency to get results before winter truly set in. America also seemed more open to coordinate its attacks with the Northern Alliance forces.

The coordination, which got off to a slow start, came about after last week's meeting between US Central Command chief General Tommy Franks and Northern Alliance Commander-in-Chief General Mohammad Fahim in Dushanbe.

Prior to his meeting with Franks, Fahim had met with Iranian leaders and Russian intelligence chiefs to secure continued diplomatic and military support from the two countries. Soon after, US Defence Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld noted in Washington that although there may be an "uneven degree of coordination" between the two sides, the communication linkage was improving and he knew "for a fact that in a number of cases the coordination is quite good".

If Rumsfeld gets his way, there is likely to be an increase of US Special Forces personnel in north Afghanistan, working with frontline commanders in pointing out targets for the American jets.

Currently, there are about 100-200 Special Forces personnel in the Alliance's area, facilitating the humanitarian and ammunition airdrops, as well as assessing the military situation on the ground.

Northern Alliance Foreign Minister Abdullah Abdullah called the number of US military officials on the opposition-held territory "modest" and dismissed suggestions that American ground troops would be fighting alongside the Alliance soldiers in the event of an all-out offensive against the Taliban.

Last week, as the US and the Alliance were jumping in bed with each other, preparations for a thorough offensive against Kabul were clearly under way.

A Northern alliance advance towards Kabul will face stiff resistance. The Taliban are well dug-in and any American support will be out of sync as the two sides speak different languages.

Tanks and track vehicles, including truck-mounted, multiple-barrel rocket launchers, were being mobilised around the Shomali plains from nearby Kapissa province, northeast of Kabul.

Construction work on a small airstrip in Gulbahar on the northeast end of the Shomali plains is near completion. With snow falling on the Hindu Kush, transporting goods and ammunitions from Tajikistan through the land route would be out of question in the coming weeks.

Also, this past week, about 1,000 soldiers from the Zaparti strike unit were ordered to move back to their post in the Shomali from the northern front along the Tajikistan border.

On the outskirts of the town of Charika, which last week came under rocket attacks that killed two and injured nearly 20 people, troops in fresh new uniform were seen carrying out military exercises-jumping out of flatbed trucks on the old road to Kabul and dodging horse buggies and mules as they rushed to take up positions under the close watch of their commander.

Abdullah has made it clear that advancing into Kabul will not depend on the political outcome of the ongoing dialogue between all parties concerned, including former king Mohammed Zahir Shah, looking to form an interim government in a post-Taliban Afghanistan.

In a show of force last week Burhanuddin Rabbani, the Alliance's president, reviewed several thousand troops as scores of foreign reporters looked on the parade field which was filled with shouts of "Allah hu akbar (God is great)".

As Rabbani gave his men a lengthy pep talk, troops in the formation broke rank and turned their heads to the south towards the Shomali plains to watch US jets taking out Taliban positions along the frontline.

But as the US intensifies its air war against Afghanistan and terrorists suspected to be loyal to Osama bin Laden, there is still a big question mark over whether the opposition can take on the Taliban and its foreign friends.

The Alliance's strength is estimated at about 15,000- 20,000 fighters. Its armour includes T-62 and T-55 main battle tanks, BMP 1 and BMP 2 armoured fighting vehicles, D-30 122-mm artillery pieces and a range of mobile truckmounted multiple-barrelled rocket launchers.

There are only two MI-35 Soviet-built attack helicopters and no fix-wing ground attack aircraft-the essential hardware needed to take out Taliban tanks and other armoured fighting vehicles that are heavily dug-in and camouflaged in the heart of the Shomali plains that sits in between the Alliance's stronghold in the Panjshir Valley and Kabul.

Abdullah says his men are in the highest state of readiness but frontline commanders complain of a lack of ammunition, fuel, food and the fact that their men receive their meagre $10 (Rs 480) monthly salary only once every six months.

Taliban troop strength has been estimated at about 40,000 fighters-including 10,000 Arabs, Pakistanis, Chechens, Uzbeks and other Muslim radicals from southeast Asia, all belonging to bin Laden's Al Qaida movement. Moreover, any advance towards Kabul is likely to face stiff resistance.

The Taliban are well dug-in; any air support from American jets is likely to be out of sync as the two sides do not speak the same language; and the mud houses and high walls around villages are likely to serve as obstacles for advancing ground units.

Up north-a week after experiencing a major set-back following what was billed as an ill-conceived military plan- the Alliance on Tuesday claimed to have made a considerable advance on the strategic northern city of Mazar-e-Sharif near the border with Uzbekistan after US jets cleared the way through intense bombing.

The claim could not be independently verified. Despite the renewed vigour in the assaults by both the US and the Northern Alliance, the siege of Afghanistan continues to be an uphill battle.

https://www.indiatoday.in/magazine/cover-story/story/20011119-afghnistan-war-northern-alliance-needs-us-air-strikes-to-make-a-dent-in-taliban-defence-774695-2001-11-19 

Waiting in hope

Though the Northern Alliance has arrayed its troops on the Shomali plains, it will depend on decisive US air strikes to make a dent in the Taliban defence.

Don Pathan
India Today

Afghanistan, November 19, 2001 | UPDATED 18:06 IST

Sitting behind a sandbag on a rooftop watching Taliban soldiers just 500 m away, an opposition Northern Alliance frontline commander, Major Khata, talks about the shortage of ammunition and the step up in American air strikes against the Taliban.

"If the American air strikes are adequate, then we won't need so much supplies," Khata says. Minutes later, US war jets roar over the Shomali plains, about 45 km north of Kabul, dropping 12 bombs in a period of one hour on Taliban positions just a kilometer from where Khata is sitting.

Though the strikes were far from what is commonly referred to by military men as "carpet bombing", US attacks in recent days have indeed intensified over previous weeks. By the middle of the week, US B-52 bombers were dropping the famed "daisy cutter" bombs that are among the most powerful conventional munitions of their kind.

It marked another major shift in the US bombing strategy. There seemed to be a new sense of urgency to get results before winter truly set in. America also seemed more open to coordinate its attacks with the Northern Alliance forces.

The coordination, which got off to a slow start, came about after last week's meeting between US Central Command chief General Tommy Franks and Northern Alliance Commander-in-Chief General Mohammad Fahim in Dushanbe.

Prior to his meeting with Franks, Fahim had met with Iranian leaders and Russian intelligence chiefs to secure continued diplomatic and military support from the two countries. Soon after, US Defence Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld noted in Washington that although there may be an "uneven degree of coordination" between the two sides, the communication linkage was improving and he knew "for a fact that in a number of cases the coordination is quite good".

If Rumsfeld gets his way, there is likely to be an increase of US Special Forces personnel in north Afghanistan, working with frontline commanders in pointing out targets for the American jets.

Currently, there are about 100-200 Special Forces personnel in the Alliance's area, facilitating the humanitarian and ammunition airdrops, as well as assessing the military situation on the ground.

Northern Alliance Foreign Minister Abdullah Abdullah called the number of US military officials on the opposition-held territory "modest" and dismissed suggestions that American ground troops would be fighting alongside the Alliance soldiers in the event of an all-out offensive against the Taliban.

Last week, as the US and the Alliance were jumping in bed with each other, preparations for a thorough offensive against Kabul were clearly under way. 

A Northern alliance advance towards Kabul will face stiff resistance. The Taliban are well dug-in and any American support will be out of sync as the two sides speak different languages.

Tanks and track vehicles, including truck-mounted, multiple-barrel rocket launchers, were being mobilised around the Shomali plains from nearby Kapissa province, northeast of Kabul.

Construction work on a small airstrip in Gulbahar on the northeast end of the Shomali plains is near completion. With snow falling on the Hindu Kush, transporting goods and ammunitions from Tajikistan through the land route would be out of question in the coming weeks.

Also, this past week, about 1,000 soldiers from the Zaparti strike unit were ordered to move back to their post in the Shomali from the northern front along the Tajikistan border.

On the outskirts of the town of Charika, which last week came under rocket attacks that killed two and injured nearly 20 people, troops in fresh new uniform were seen carrying out military exercises-jumping out of flatbed trucks on the old road to Kabul and dodging horse buggies and mules as they rushed to take up positions under the close watch of their commander.

Abdullah has made it clear that advancing into Kabul will not depend on the political outcome of the ongoing dialogue between all parties concerned, including former king Mohammed Zahir Shah, looking to form an interim government in a post-Taliban Afghanistan.

In a show of force last week Burhanuddin Rabbani, the Alliance's president, reviewed several thousand troops as scores of foreign reporters looked on the parade field which was filled with shouts of "Allah hu akbar (God is great)".

MISSION TIME: General Fahim Khan (centre) and Burhanuddin Rabbani (right) review Alliance troops in Jabal Saraj

As Rabbani gave his men a lengthy pep talk, troops in the formation broke rank and turned their heads to the south towards the Shomali plains to watch US jets taking out Taliban positions along the frontline.

But as the US intensifies its air war against Afghanistan and terrorists suspected to be loyal to Osama bin Laden, there is still a big question mark over whether the opposition can take on the Taliban and its foreign friends.

The Alliance's strength is estimated at about 15,000- 20,000 fighters. Its armour includes T-62 and T-55 main battle tanks, BMP 1 and BMP 2 armoured fighting vehicles, D-30 122-mm artillery pieces and a range of mobile truckmounted multiple-barrelled rocket launchers.

There are only two MI-35 Soviet-built attack helicopters and no fix-wing ground attack aircraft-the essential hardware needed to take out Taliban tanks and other armoured fighting vehicles that are heavily dug-in and camouflaged in the heart of the Shomali plains that sits in between the Alliance's stronghold in the Panjshir Valley and Kabul.

Abdullah says his men are in the highest state of readiness but frontline commanders complain of a lack of ammunition, fuel, food and the fact that their men receive their meagre $10 (Rs 480) monthly salary only once every six months.

Taliban troop strength has been estimated at about 40,000 fighters-including 10,000 Arabs, Pakistanis, Chechens, Uzbeks and other Muslim radicals from southeast Asia, all belonging to bin Laden's Al Qaida movement. Moreover, any advance towards Kabul is likely to face stiff resistance.

The Taliban are well dug-in; any air support from American jets is likely to be out of sync as the two sides do not speak the same language; and the mud houses and high walls around villages are likely to serve as obstacles for advancing ground units.

Up north-a week after experiencing a major set-back following what was billed as an ill-conceived military plan- the Alliance on Tuesday claimed to have made a considerable advance on the strategic northern city of Mazar-e-Sharif near the border with Uzbekistan after US jets cleared the way through intense bombing.

The claim could not be independently verified. Despite the renewed vigour in the assaults by both the US and the Northern Alliance, the siege of Afghanistan continues to be an uphill battle.

Waiting in hope

Though the Northern Alliance has arrayed its troops on the Shomali plains, it will depend on decisive US air strikes to make a dent in the Taliban defence.

Don Pathan
India Today

Afghanistan, November 19, 2001 | UPDATED 18:06 IST

Sitting behind a sandbag on a rooftop watching Taliban soldiers just 500 m away, an opposition Northern Alliance frontline commander, Major Khata, talks about the shortage of ammunition and the step up in American air strikes against the Taliban.

"If the American air strikes are adequate, then we won't need so much supplies," Khata says. Minutes later, US war jets roar over the Shomali plains, about 45 km north of Kabul, dropping 12 bombs in a period of one hour on Taliban positions just a kilometre from where Khata is sitting.

Though the strikes were far from what is commonly referred to by military men as "carpet bombing", US attacks in recent days have indeed intensified over previous weeks. By the middle of the week, US B-52 bombers were dropping the famed "daisy cutter" bombs that are among the most powerful conventional munitions of their kind.

It marked another major shift in the US bombing strategy. There seemed to be a new sense of urgency to get results before winter truly set in. America also seemed more open to coordinate its attacks with the Northern Alliance forces.

The coordination, which got off to a slow start, came about after last week's meeting between US Central Command chief General Tommy Franks and Northern Alliance Commander-in-Chief General Mohammad Fahim in Dushanbe.

Prior to his meeting with Franks, Fahim had met with Iranian leaders and Russian intelligence chiefs to secure continued diplomatic and military support from the two countries. Soon after, US Defence Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld noted in Washington that although there may be an "uneven degree of coordination" between the two sides, the communication linkage was improving and he knew "for a fact that in a number of cases the coordination is quite good".

If Rumsfeld gets his way, there is likely to be an increase of US Special Forces personnel in north Afghanistan, working with frontline commanders in pointing out targets for the American jets.

Currently, there are about 100-200 Special Forces personnel in the Alliance's area, facilitating the humanitarian and ammunition airdrops, as well as assessing the military situation on the ground.

Northern Alliance Foreign Minister Abdullah Abdullah called the number of US military officials on the opposition-held territory "modest" and dismissed suggestions that American ground troops would be fighting alongside the Alliance soldiers in the event of an all-out offensive against the Taliban.

Last week, as the US and the Alliance were jumping in bed with each other, preparations for a thorough offensive against Kabul were clearly under way. 

A Northern alliance advance towards Kabul will face stiff resistance. The Taliban are well dug-in and any American support will be out of sync as the two sides speak different languages.

Tanks and track vehicles, including truck-mounted, multiple-barrel rocket launchers, were being mobilised around the Shomali plains from nearby Kapissa province, northeast of Kabul.

Construction work on a small airstrip in Gulbahar on the northeast end of the Shomali plains is near completion. With snow falling on the Hindu Kush, transporting goods and ammunitions from Tajikistan through the land route would be out of question in the coming weeks.

Also, this past week, about 1,000 soldiers from the Zaparti strike unit were ordered to move back to their post in the Shomali from the northern front along the Tajikistan border.

On the outskirts of the town of Charika, which last week came under rocket attacks that killed two and injured nearly 20 people, troops in fresh new uniform were seen carrying out military exercises-jumping out of flatbed trucks on the old road to Kabul and dodging horse buggies and mules as they rushed to take up positions under the close watch of their commander.

Abdullah has made it clear that advancing into Kabul will not depend on the political outcome of the ongoing dialogue between all parties concerned, including former king Mohammed Zahir Shah, looking to form an interim government in a post-Taliban Afghanistan.

In a show of force last week Burhanuddin Rabbani, the Alliance's president, reviewed several thousand troops as scores of foreign reporters looked on the parade field which was filled with shouts of "Allah hu akbar (God is great)".

MISSION TIME: General Fahim Khan (centre) and Burhanuddin Rabbani (right) review Alliance troops in Jabal Saraj

As Rabbani gave his men a lengthy pep talk, troops in the formation broke rank and turned their heads to the south towards the Shomali plains to watch US jets taking out Taliban positions along the frontline.

But as the US intensifies its air war against Afghanistan and terrorists suspected to be loyal to Osama bin Laden, there is still a big question mark over whether the opposition can take on the Taliban and its foreign friends.

The Alliance's strength is estimated at about 15,000- 20,000 fighters. Its armour includes T-62 and T-55 main battle tanks, BMP 1 and BMP 2 armoured fighting vehicles, D-30 122-mm artillery pieces and a range of mobile truckmounted multiple-barrelled rocket launchers.

There are only two MI-35 Soviet-built attack helicopters and no fix-wing ground attack aircraft-the essential hardware needed to take out Taliban tanks and other armoured fighting vehicles that are heavily dug-in and camouflaged in the heart of the Shomali plains that sits in between the Alliance's stronghold in the Panjshir Valley and Kabul.

Abdullah says his men are in the highest state of readiness but frontline commanders complain of a lack of ammunition, fuel, food and the fact that their men receive their meagre $10 (Rs 480) monthly salary only once every six months.

Taliban troop strength has been estimated at about 40,000 fighters-including 10,000 Arabs, Pakistanis, Chechens, Uzbeks and other Muslim radicals from southeast Asia, all belonging to bin Laden's Al Qaida movement. Moreover, any advance towards Kabul is likely to face stiff resistance.

The Taliban are well dug-in; any air support from American jets is likely to be out of sync as the two sides do not speak the same language; and the mud houses and high walls around villages are likely to serve as obstacles for advancing ground units.

Up north-a week after experiencing a major set-back following what was billed as an ill-conceived military plan- the Alliance on Tuesday claimed to have made a considerable advance on the strategic northern city of Mazar-e-Sharif near the border with Uzbekistan after US jets cleared the way through intense bombing.

The claim could not be independently verified. Despite the renewed vigour in the assaults by both the US and the Northern Alliance, the siege of Afghanistan continues to be an uphill battle.

Northern alliance forces closing in on key Afghan cit

Aspen Daily News, Volume 24, Number 131, 

November 8, 2001

 

Northern alliance forces closing in on key Afghan city

This article has been automatically clipped from the Aspen Daily News November 8, 2001, organised into a single column, then optimised for display on your computer screen. As a result, it may not look exactly as it did on the original page. The article can be seen in its original form in the page view.

US planes bomb behind Taliban front lines near Afghan capital

By Don Pathan
The Independent
(The Associated Press)

Jabal Saraj, Afghanistan

US warplanes bombed behind front–line Taliban positions near Kabul in an effort to weaken defenses and allow opposition troops to advance toward the capital.=

Witnesses said they did not hear any anti–aircraft fire from Taliban fighters, who have periodically tried to shoot down U.S. jets since bombing began more than five weeks ago.

However, there were no signs that the Afghan opposition, a loose coalition of fighters dominated by ethnic minority Tajiks and Uzbeks, was on the offensive near Kabul.

But the opposition has claimed victories on another main front, near the strategic northern city of Mazar–e–Sharif.

Backed by heavy U.S. bombing, the opposition northern alliance said Tuesday it captured several areas to the south of the city. Still, opposition forces remain at least 60 kilometers (40 miles) south of the city with winter closing in.

To the north of Kabul, witnesses said U.S. jets dropped dozens of bombs late Tuesday and two bombs early Wednesday behind the front line, about 25 miles (40 kilometers) north of the capital. Some explosions were followed by up to 30 smaller detonations.

The Taliban's Bakhtar News Agency said bombs north of Kabul and in the eastern city of Jalalabad killed at least 10 people and injured 19. The report could not be independently confirmed, and the Pentagon has denied Taliban claims of widespread civilian casualties.

At the Pentagon, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said Tuesday that an assessment of the opposition claims of gains outside Mazar–e–Sharif would have to wait until the "dust settled."

But after seesawing battles south of Mazar–e–Sharif in recent weeks, the opposition said intense strikes by American planes helped open the way for Tuesday's advance. The alliance had complained earlier that U.S. bombing was not heavy enough.

Retaking the city, which the Taliban captured from the opposition in 1998, would greatly damage the Islamic militia's power in the north.

Footage shows LAPD shooting rubber bullet at transgender rights demonstrator during spa protests

Rumsfeld said U.S. military planners hope that American help to the opposition alliance – including weapons and ammunition – will unite its factions so "that we will see more success" on the ground.

The Pentagon has said small numbers of American special forces teams are working with northern alliance forces to train and equip them, provide them with additional ammunition and weaponry, and identify targets for U.S. strike aircraft.

The Pentagon also intends to start delivering cold–weather clothing to the northern alliance, officials say.

President George W. Bush launched airstrikes against Afghanistan on Oct. 7 after the ruling Taliban militia refused to hand over Osama bin Laden for his alleged role in the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks against the World Trade Center and the Pentagon.

On Tuesday, Bush pledged "to keep relentless military pressure" on bin Laden and the Taliban, saying it is essential to keep terrorists from acquiring nuclear, chemical and biological weapons.

Rumsfeld said the United States extracted Hamid Karzai, a southern opposition leader, from Afghanistan over the weekend. Taliban forces had been chasing Karzai as he tried to rally support among ethnic Pashtun tribes for an alternative to the Taliban.

The United States wants the Afghan opposition to make significant gains ahead of winter. Fighting traditionally tapers off then because snow closes roads and hampers the resupply of troops.

https://www.independent.co.uk/author/don-pathan

U.S. jets press attacks on Taliban positions near front lines; Taliban claim hospital was hit

DON PATHAN Associated Press Writer

BAGRAM, Afghanistan (AP) — U.S. jets pounded Taliban positions Monday near front lines outside the Afghan capital and a key northern city, the Taliban said. The attacks appeared aimed at helping Afghan opposition forces advance.

In Islamabad, Pakistan, Taliban Ambassador Abdul Salam Zaeef claimed U.S. and British jets attacked a hospital in the western Afghan city of Herat, killing more than 100 people. The report could not be independently confirmed.

Britain denied its planes took part in any raid against Herat, and the United States cast doubt on the Taliban claim.

Pentagon spokesman Bryan Whitman said he did not have any specific information about a hospital, "but I put as much credibility in this Taliban report as others that have been proven wrong."

Zaeef also claimed the Taliban had shot down two U.S. helicopters over the weekend - one of which landed crippled in neighboring Pakistan, while the other crashed in Afghanistan.

The Pentagon has denied any of its helicopters were shot down, though it said a Black Hawk helicopter crashed in an accident Saturday in Pakistan, killing two U.S. servicemen on board.

Meanwhile, a refugee crisis was building at Pakistan's sealed border with Afghanistan. An Afghan man died of wounds suffered when border guards opened fire to force back up to 15,000 trapped Afghan civilians pushing and pleading for entry.

As the bombing campaign went into its third week, the strikes near the front lines suggested the start of a more aggressive American campaign on behalf of northern-based opposition forces facing the fundamentalist Taliban regime.

But it was unclear whether the poorly armed and poorly trained opposition forces would be able to make significant gains against either the capital Kabul or the northern city of Mazar-e-Sharif - something they have been unable to accomplish since the air campaign began Oct 7.

A Northern Alliance intelligence officer, Motavar, complained that the attacks were not over a wide enough area. "We are satisfied, but we would like a broader bombardment over a larger area," said Motavar, who like many Afghans uses only one name.

Haji Gul Rahman, a deputy brigade commander at Bagram, north of Kabul, said there were casualties among the Taliban, but he couldn't say how many.

In the capital, the Taliban's official Bakhtar news agency reported heavy bombing Monday at positions 30 miles to the north.

Bombing in the same area Sunday marked the most substantial U.S. strikes to date against Taliban positions defending Kabul from the Northern Alliance forces, stalled for years 12 to 25 miles north of the city.

Bedraggled opposition fighters watched, excited, as smoke and dust billowed up. However, there was no report Monday of any opposition advances.

As sunset approached, two U.S. jets dropped six bombs, five of them on Taliban front-line positions north of Kabul, while another fell on the Northern Alliance side. There was no word on casualties.

U.S. jets also mounted fierce attacks throughout the night around the northern city of Mazar-e-Sharif, where opposition and Taliban forces have been stuck in a seesaw battle for days. The strikes devastated two heavily fortified bases that had been guarding the southern approach, damaged tanks and artillery sites, and destroyed an ammunition depot, Khan said.

Still, as in the front near Kabul, there were no claims Monday of significant opposition advances around Mazar-e-Sharif.

Taking control of Mazar-e-Sharif would let the opposition control key supply lines for arms from neighboring Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. But the United States and Britain have been reluctant to help the alliance seize Kabul until a broad-based government is in place to replace the Taliban.

Skies over Kabul were quiet through the night and into the day Monday. A day earlier, a U.S. raid shattered two homes in the city's northern Khair Khana district - killing at 13 civilians, including three women and four boys ages 8 to 13.

Zaeef, the Taliban envoy to Pakistan, also said U.S strikes Monday hit two health clinics in south-central Urzgan province - though he did not know how many casualties resulted - in addition to the 100-bed hospital in Herat.

"More than 100 were martyred. Patients and doctors were killed," he said. "It is clear that American planes are targeting the Afghan people to punish the Afghan nation for having chosen an Islamic government."

The Taliban's Bakhtar news agency reported that at mid-afternoon U.S. planes hit the Nawabad section of Herat, destroying five houses and killing eight to 10 people. It did not mention a hit on a hospital.

The Pentagon has said it is targeting only sites linked to the Taliban or Osama bin Laden's al-Qaida terror network, accused in the Sept. 11 terror attacks in the United States. U.S. officials have expressed regret for any unintended casualties.

Afghanistan's neighbors have closed its borders to Afghan civilians fleeing the U.S.-led attacks.

Stranded, up to 15,000 Afghans are camped out in a no man's land between the Afghan and Pakistan borders at the Chaman crossing.

Pakistan officials said both Pakistani and Taliban border guards opened fire Sunday to quell a stone-throwing protest by hundreds of refugees demanding entry. Doctors at Chaman said Monday a 23-year-old Afghan died of a bullet wound. Another bullet injured a 13-year-old Afghan boy.

Pakistan border guards insist they were firing into the air only.

MEKONG NAVIGATION PACT: Currents of suspicion still run

Don Pathan
THE NATION

CHIANG SAEN, Chiang Rai, Thailand

Every day a group of 75 to 100 men gather by the loading dock at Chiang Rai's Chiang Saen district waiting to offload hundreds of boxes of goods sent down from southern China via the Mekong River.

It's a back-breaking job, and the pay is low - about Bt100 per day on average- but the men are not complaining. A job is a job, they say.

Ten to 15 cargo ships, ranging from 75 to 100 tons, dock at the Chiang Saen pier daily, but the workload will get even heavier in coming days as more and more cargo ships arrive. 

In May, Thailand, Laos, Burma and China's Yunnan province took a major step towards strengthening regional economic cooperation by entering into an agreement - after five years of negotiation - to allow cargo vessels to navigate freely on the Mekong.

Local Thai officials said the Chinese merchants and sailors, with their vast experience from navigating the Mekong and other great rivers were looking to make the most out of the recently signed agreement aimed at facilitating commercial navigation along the Mekong.

Unlike in the past when the absence of a standard operating procedure gave rise to unscrupulous practices by customs and port officials, the agreement that came into effect in May put in place the necessary rules for safe and free navigation along an 886-kilometre stretch of the river. This extends from Simao port in Yunnan to Luang Prabang, a world heritage site and popular tourist destination in northern Laos.

Considering the political turmoil of the past decades, the agreement is indeed a major step towards regional cooperation. In the post-World War II period, the Mekong was divided along geopolitical lines, with Communist China in the upper reaches being sidelined from development schemes funded by Western powers. The move was aimed at preventing communism from reaching the river banks of the non-communist states south of China.

Decades later, following the fall of the Vientiane royalist government in 1975, the upper-lower line became blurred. As a result, the portion of the Mekong that separated pro-US Thailand from Communist Laos became a bitter dividing line between the two countries. For the hundreds of thousands of Indochinese refugees fleeing Communist rule, the river became the last hurdle before reaching the so-called free world.

Today, the gathering of porters at Chiang Saen's port is indeed a testimony of how political and economic realities have evolved over the years. Though the changes are welcomed, not all parties are completely sold on the idea that this is a "win-win" situation. For some, the heart of the problem is the issue of sovereignty. For others, the problems lie elsewhere - namely security and environmental degradation. 

Laos and Burma, which stand to gain only a fraction of what Thailand and China are reaping economically, have consistently pointed out that the great Mekong is not an "international waterway" and that the agreement does not constitute forgoing one's sovereignty for the sake of the whole.

Vientiane is also concerned that the dredging of the river to facilitate the movement of larger ships, as proposed by China, may exact too high a price.

In a recent interview with The Nation, Phongsavath Boupha, Lao deputy foreign minister, said dredging the Mekong was likely to have a wide range of effects, from environmental degradation to the shifting of the current border demarcation and riverbanks.

"Experts who carry out the study on the impact will have to be well versed in a wide range of areas as the dredging will affect a wide range of things," Phongsavath said.

The Chinese government is reportedly looking to invest US$5.6 million (Bt250 million) dredging the 331-kilometre section from the No 243 demarcation point between China and Burma to Houyxay in Laos. 

If all goes to plan, the project will start in December. Once completed, this stretch is expected to allow passage of 100-ton ships all year round, Liu Daqing, a leading technician in charge of the project, was quoted by China's state-run People's Daily as saying. 

And by 2007, 300-ton ships are expected to be able to navigate this stretch even in the dry season, the daily said. Currently the annual navigation capacity of the Mekong is four million ton and is expected to reach 10 million tons by 2007.

As for the generals in Rangoon, high on their agenda is the issue of security. Not only is the area on the Burmese side of the Mekong River rugged and not firmly within the grip of authority, the area is slowly being taken over by units of the United Wa State Army (UWSA). 

And although Rangoon and the 20,000-strong UWSA entered a cease-fire agreement over a decade ago, the arrangement is still a far cry from a meaningful and lasting peace settlement. Any development that enhances the standing of the Wa, said Thai army officers, is definitely a point of concern for both Thailand and Burma. 

The UWSA, dubbed the world's largest armed drug-trafficking group, has been declared "public enemy number one" by the Thai government. Checkpoints leading to the UWSA settlement and units have been ordered shut, while troop presence along the border has been beefed up to stop the flow of drugs into the Kingdom.

One good thing that has come out of the Wa's presence in the area, said a Thai border official, is the decline in banditry and river piracy.

But with or without the Wa, the face of the so-called economic quadrangular development zone - its social and economic landscape - is certainly changing. 

"A handful of people may be involved in the drug trade and other illicit activities," said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, "but the real force that is shaping the area is the cross-border trade among the four countries."

Besides enhancing trade between northern Thailand and southern China, strengthening economic cooperation in the region will essentially enhance Laos' international standing, the official said.

The landlocked country that in the past served as a buffer between Thailand and suspicious Vietnam and China is today trying desperately to become a land-link nation. Along the way, it is also looking to become the "battery" for Southeast Asia through the sale of hydroelectric power.

"A strong Laos would be good for Thailand," said the official. "We wouldn't want a mass migration from up north [China] pouring down to this area."

As pointed out by Nawin Thepawong, the chief of Chiang Rai's commerce office, cross-border trade between Thailand and Laos continued at the height of the regionwide economic crises. He said Thai exports to Laos, especially electrical appliances, were climbing steadily throughout the turmoil.

Said the Thai official: "Don't underestimate the Laotians. They are good salesmen. Much of what they have purchased from Thailand is resold to China and Vietnam."

Forced Withdrawal

Drug users in Mae Sot are finding themselves shunned by the community. It's a tough stand but one that seems to be working. Story The Nation's Don Pathan

A man like Samart Loifah comes around once in a blue moon. People say he is an endangered species - a civil servant who does not sit around and wait to be told what to do by his superiors.

"The top-down approach doesn't work," admitted the enthusiastic Mae Sot district chief, whose crusade against drug abuse has made him one of the most noted Interior Ministry officers in the country.

About two years ago, Samart was transferred from Lampang province to Tak's Mae Sot, where he is now the district chief. With the area becoming an emerging route for more and more illicit drugs coming out of Burma, just across the Moei River, Samart said he was shocked when he realised what lay ahead of him.

When he arrived, Mae Sot district was home to 750 known drug dealers, mostly in methamphetamines, and, it was estimated, more than 1,700 regular users. Samart, whose name means "capable of flying", soon lived up to his name. Under his guidance, the district was able to cut down the number of addicts to 388 and dealers to 147 in just over a year.

Samart said it has long been his goal to empower the local community to take care of its own. The method Samart employed in his war against drugs is commonly referred to as "social sanction".

All the adults in each of the 78 villages in the district are asked to take part in electing a committee to draft a set of rules for all to abide by. Once this is completed, Samart explained, the villagers hold a hearing and vote on anti-drug resolutions to serve as guidelines.

"We make no exception as to who the person is. All must abide by the rules, which the villagers themselves develop," said Khanthiya Srikirisawan, a 30-year-old ethnic Karen woman who is chief of 484-strong Yang Huay Ya-u village in Mae Sot district.

"If [you don't follow the rules], then you become an outcast and are eventually forced to leave the community."

Some of the measures include prohibiting drug dealers or users from using village funds and property, such as tents and utensils, and cutting off water and electricity.

After helping nine opium addicts kick the habit, Khanthiya's village proudly declared itself drug-free in May of this year.

The approach has been tremendously successful in other areas as well, officials and villagers said.

"I couldn't bear the fact that my family and I would become outcasts if I didn't stop doing drugs," said former addict Charoon Thiemphanya, a 27-year-old resident of Mae Khuluang village, also in the Mae Sot district.

If all else fails, said Mae Khunluang Kamnan Lert Kerkham, 58, the person is either forced out of the village or handed over to the police to face legal actions. 

To make sure that the suspected drug users are living a clean life, a urinalysis is carried on a regular basis. One urinalysis kit, which costs about Bt1,000, can be used to test up to 50 people. But money and equipment are hard to come by and the district accepts donations, Samart told a group of foreign journalists during a recent visit organised by the Thai Army's Civil Affairs Department.

Samart dismissed what he called "publicity stunts" staged by the government, such as getting students to drink holy water and pledge that they would not take drugs, or walkathons designed to promote anti-drug efforts.

"These measures don't really do anything because only clean kids show up for these events," Samart said. "What is important is that we stop demonising the people who are addicted to the substances and let them know that people are capable of making mistakes and that there is always room for forgiveness.

"And, of course, the villagers have to carry out urinalyses on a regular basis," he added.

The social-sanction approach employed by the villages in Mae Sot district, said Samart, starts off by emphasising compassion and understanding, not condemnation.

Ko Koh, a 60-year-old ethnic Karen who kicked his opium addiction two years ago after using for over two decades, said he never felt better.

"It was so painful," Ko Koh said, recalling his withdrawal symptoms. "My whole body was aching for five to six days. I couldn't sleep. I was shitting blood."

For Ko Koh, it was the threat of an outright sanction that got him to think about quitting. Being a male and an elder in a traditional Karen setting like Yang Huay Ya-u, Ko Koh said the threat of being an outcast had forced to think hard about his place in his community and the loss of dignity if he was forced to leave. Today, he is a proud owner of a new plow his children purchased as a gift for kicking the habit.

Samart and the villagers themselves insisted that social sanction is much more effective then the law itself. "The thought of being persecuted by their fellow villagers is more powerful than the threat of legal action," Samart said. "They have to look at each other's faces day after day."

"The vast majority of the people in the villages would like to help but the question is how to gain their trust and get them to join hands," Samart said. "The villagers know better than us which of their neighbours are dealing drugs. So when we approach them, we let them know what we know, and most of the time the villager will respond positively."

"A lot of times it is the parents of kids addicted to drugs who need to know where to turn to."

The chief maintained that his data about dealers and users are accurate. "We have our own statistics and the villagers have theirs. And almost one hundred per cent of the time, theirs and our numbers of dealers and users matches," he said.

"Of course, one way of ensuring that the figure is accurate is through urinalysis."

If you are interested in making donations to help the Mae Sot district's anti-drug campaign, please call the district office at 055-531-297, or write: Mae Sot District Office, Tak Province, Thailand. 

American-trained, ready to kill US troops

Don Pathan
THE NATION

In 1986, then Central Intelligence Agency chief William Casey persuaded the US Congress to provide freedom fighters in Afghanistan with anti-aircraft missiles to strengthen their defences against Soviet warplanes.

He also asked lawmakers to approve the deployment of US advisors to work with the Pakistani Army in directing the Muslim radicals who had arrived from all over the world to play a part in repelling the Soviet invasion.

Casey was confident that his plan would be a success. He had secured the backing of the Pakistani government, and the blessing of Saudi Arabia.

Unfortunately, not much thought was given to the consequences of so many diverse groups of armed Muslim extremists being brought together in one place.

Forcing the Soviets out of Afghanistan was the name of the game, at any cost, it would appear. And in the process, everybody would benefit.

For the Saudis, it was an opportunity to rid their Kingdom of radicals opposed to the country's monarchy. It was also an opportunity to spread their puritanical brand of Islam, formally known as Wahabbism.

Widely regarded as a shadow government, Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency considered an international Islamic brigade in a neighbouring country as a future ally.

Today, many Afghan war veterans are involved in fighting in the Kashmir region. Others provide the ISI with more leverage in dealings with countries in Central Asia. However, the ISI's plans are dependent on it being able to keep the rebels on a tight leash.

For the US, this loose union of Muslim extremists was an opportunity to convince the international community that the Islamic world stood against the Soviet Union.

This band of soldiers would later be called "Afghan-Arabs", even though none were Afghans, and most weren't Arabs.

"The group was made up of Filipino Moros, Uzbeks from Soviet Central Asia, Arabs from Algeria, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, and Uighurs from Xingjiang in China," wrote Pakistan-based author Ahmed Rashid in his book "Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil and Fundamentalism in Central Asia."

The group's major sponsors failed to take into consideration that these freedom fighters also had their own agenda, and they eventually turned against their own regime and their American sponsors, Rashid added.

About four years after the US Congress threw its support behind Casey, an Afghan delegation was paraded in front of the press during an informal visit to Texas. 

Photographs of them trying on American sneakers were splashed on the front pages of local newspapers, and they were an instant hit.

But not long after this visit, citizens of America, and the rest of the word, began to look at these individuals in a different light. In 1993, associates of these enigmatic freedom fighters from Afghanistan killed six and injured about a thousand when they set off a bomb at New York's World Trade Centre.

They were subsequently blamed for back-to-back bombings in 1998 at the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, which left hundreds dead, and last year's suicide boat attack against the USS Cole in Yemen, in which 17 US sailors lost their lives.

All fingers pointed to Osama bin Laden, a wealthy Saudi exile who had gone to Afghanistan to join the US-backed Mujahideen, and eventually led the radicals in their fight against the Soviets.

A number of the group's endeavours undertaken under the leadership of bin Laden, including the opening of an arms storage depot, were financed by the CIA, Rashid said.

The fall of the Soviet empire was met with great joy from all sides. 

For the Mujahideen, it was a victory for Islam, despite the fact that limitations within the Communist system were mostly to blame.

Aside from leaving in its wake an army of radicals intent on promoting Islam as the basis for violence against all non-Muslim forces, the Afghan war also created thousands of well-trained veterans who craved another victory.

An opportunity arose when Iraqi President Saddam Hussein's forces invaded Kuwait, but Saudi Arabia's King Fahd instead turned to Washington for help and invited US troops into the kingdom, where some remain today.

"This came as an enormous shock to bin Laden," according to Rashid.

As the US troops began arriving in Saudi Arabia, bin Laden lashed out at the Saudi royal family, urging the country's clerics to support his condemnation.

Eventually, he was expelled and his Saudi citizenship revoked.

In 1996, bin Laden openly declared a jihad (Holy War) on the United States, accusing it of occupying Saudi Arabia, home to some of Islam's holiest sites.

Since then, US policy toward Afghanistan has been based solely on its quest to "get bin Laden at all costs", without much thought given to alternative approaches, or the fact that many of the country's current problems were inherited from the former regime.

Today, the outlook for Afghanistan is very bleak.

Following last week's devastating suicide hijackings in New York and Washington, great uncertainties prevail for the Taleban as the US administration continues to press for the hand-over of bin Laden.

Evidence thus far would suggest that the Taleban will not budge in their refusal to arrest and extradite the Saudi dissident. 

Their stubbornness, experts say, is proof that they cannot be seen to be giving in to demands from the West. 

One Bangkok-based diplomat also pointed out that the Taleban simply do not have the manpower to oust bin Laden, who has a private army of some 13,000 bodyguards.

Moreover, bin Laden's "Afghan Arabs" also make up a significant portion of the overall Taleban troop strength against the opposition Northern Alliance.

Many believe that locating bin Laden would be extremely difficult. The worldwide network that he helps to finance is just too elusive to pin down long enough to be destroyed. 

Analysts believe it will take years to dismantle this band of militants, who have already proved, all too graphically, that they are more than willing to die for their cause.

 WAR ON DRUGS: Chiang Rai ya ba seizures 'doubling'

Don Pathan
THE NATION

CHIANG RAI, Thailand

The amount of methamphetamines confiscated by authorities in Chiang Rai province over the past seven months is close to the total amount ceased by provincial officials last year, a senior police officer said yesterday.

According to Pol Col Thanakit Teurnkaew, a deputy commander at the provincial counter-narcotic unit, Chiang Rai authorities seized a total of 4,661,324 tablets of methamphetamines between January 1 and July 31 this year, compared to a total of 5,583,477 for all of last year.

"At the rate we are going, we will double the entire amount we had confiscated for the year 2000," Thanakit said. 

Chiang Rai has for decades been a major drug route for illicit opium and heroin - and in the recent years, methamphetamines - coming out of the infamous Golden Triangle, an area where Thailand, Laos and Burma share a common border.

"It's not that we are easing our counter-narcotic efforts. We have explored every possible channel, including public relations, educating the masses and setting up more checkpoints," Thanakit said.

"The problem is that producers still see the illicit business as something that is worth the risk," he said.

Thanakit said traffickers had become more sophisticated, pointing to the regular clashes with Thai soldiers along the border near Tak province as well as a major drug bust earlier this year in the Andaman Sea. "It's like a balloon affect. When the authorities squeeze one area, the illicit activities pop up in another," he said.

According to Office of the Narcotic Control Board estimates, about 90 per cent of illicit drugs produced in the area ends up in the streets of various cities in the country.

The Thai army has blamed a pro-Rangoon ethnic army, the United Wa State Army, for much of the methamphetamines flooding into the country, saying the group has over the years expanded its troops and illicit operations along the common border to areas near Tak province, as well as areas just north of the Golden Triangle bordering Laos.

It said a number of the clandestine drug labs have "popped up" in areas along the Mekong River on the Lao side near Burma since the Thai army stepped up security along the Thai-Burma border following a cross-border clash earlier this year.

The Burmese government has said it is being unfairly singled out and that Thailand and other neighbouring countries need to do more to curb the flow of precursor chemicals needed to make the drugs.

Following the border clashes, top army brass from both sides engaged in a lengthy war of words, accusing their counterparts of taking kickbacks from the drug traffickers.