Third Army confronts new Golden Triangle king

In rugged border terrain, Thai troops square off against the United Wa Army which protects a huge drug empire in Burma. 

Don Pathan
The Nation
Doi Kiw Hoong, Chiang Mai

Standing at the peak of this hill overlooking the 32-square kilometres of disputed territory where about 1,200 Thai and Burmese troops are scattered on just about every ridge, regiment commander Colonel Supoj Buranayanee tries hard not to offend his counterparts just one hilltop away. 

Not accustomed to nagging foreign press, the soft-spoken Supoj chose his words carefully as he explains the background of the disputed territory, Doi Lang, and how it is linked to a valley down the road, the site of Mong Yawn, a major stronghold for one of the world's largest armed drug trafficking group, the United Wa State Army (UWSA). 

"We have an agreement between the local Thai and Burmese forces that we would not use force in the Doi Lang area. And if one side wishes to carry out any type of operation, the other side must be notified," Colonel Supoj said. 

Curious foreign and local journalists, meanwhile, took turns with binoculars to see the much talked-about Wa town that has become the centre of a dispute between the Thai and Burmese governments. 

For years, before Burmese opium warlord Khun Sa and his powerful Mong Tai Army (MTA) surrendered to the Rangoon government in January 1996 in return for amnesty, this region, like other rebel-controlled areas, had functioned as a buffer zone between the Thai and Burmese armies.

Besides being a buffer between the two armies, drug experts said the Doi Lang area also served as the gateway for some of the world's finest opium and heroin heading for major cities throughout the world. Today, the MTA is no more. 

And for the past six years, both Thai and Burmese soldiers have sat and watched each other's moves, wondering what the unwanted neighbours are up to. They wave and smile at each other every now and then. 

But in recent months, since the cross-border shelling between the two sides about 50 kilometres away in the Mae Sai-Tachilek area, as well as the latest demand by Rangoon that the Thai troops pull out of the area, nervousness has crept in. Like the previous decade when Thai soldiers were sent here to secure the border and curb the flow of opium and heroin coming out of MTA camps, today's troops are mandated to do pretty much the same thing. 

Besides having a Burmese army watching their back, the Thai troops have to contend with the growing presence of the new king of the Golden Triangle, the UWSA, dubbed the world's largest armed drug trafficking group. 

"Any of these points along the rugged border is accessible by foot," said Supoj, pointing to the vast rugged terrain that appeared to stretch endlessly. 

Army officials say dealers from places like Bangkok and Hat Yai slip in and out of nearby Fang and Mae Ai districts to meet local agents who in turn hire local hilltribes to cross the border and transport the illicit drugs. 

A mule is paid one baht for each of the methamphetamine pills they get across to the Thai side of the border from the clandestine laboratories, most of which are under the Wa's control. It's a very attractive deal considering the fact that the average annual per capita income of the local residents is about Bt30,000. 

"In one trip they can make as much as they can |in one year from farming," Supoj said. 

The growing demand for drugs among Thai addicts has, indeed, taking its toll on the army who appeared to be over-stretched from taking up two jobs - securing the border and fighting drugs. Just last week as the Third Army mobilised its troops to retake nearby Hua Lone hill from the Wa and Burmese troops, army officers admitted a "balloon affect" has been created - while one area is being squeezed, drug trafficking pops up in other spots along the border. So where is the Burmese government troops in all of this? 

"The local Burmese officers are well aware of the illicit activities being carried out by the Wa and some of them benefit directly from the drug trade," said Colonel Chanchai Sundarakes, Third Army deputy chief-of-staff. "We bring this up with them but they always say they don't have control over the Wa's activities," he added. 

The UWSA came into being in 1989 following the fall of the Communist Party of Burma, in which the Wa faction had served as foot soldiers. 

Burmese security chief Lt-General Khin Nyunt rushed to sign a cease-fire with the group in order to neutralise a 20,000-strong army. In return, the Wa were given the green light to expand their heroin empire down to an area adjacent to the northern Thai border. Along the way, they clashed with archenemy Khun Sa and the MTA, hastening his surrender in January 1996. 

But today, instead of opium and heroin for the world's market, methamphetamine pills have been added to the shopping list of the traffickers. And the market is the streets of Bangkok, Chiang Mai and other major cities in Southeast Asia. The demand for methamphetamines, locally known as yaa baa, has risen in recent years and the amount being produced does not seem to satisfy the growing market. 

Chanchai says the amount of trafficked methamphetamines has jumped from 20 million tablets in 1998 to somewhere between 400 and 600 million this year. Chanchai claimed that more than 30 clandestine heroin and methamphetamine labs are situated along the northern Thai Burmese. 

Lt-Colonel Peeranate Temkhem, head of the Third Army's Pha Muang Task Force intelligence unit, said major shipments of methamphetamines and heroin are expected to be coming through in the next few weeks. 

He pointed to the increase in the price of grade 4 heroin, which jumped from Bt230,000 to Bt280,000 for a unit of 700 grammes, which suggests a shortage of supply, as well as to what appears to be a growing demand for methamphetamines. 

Many Thai army officers along the border admit their fight has been an uphill one. The Wa's drug money has not only built roads and irrigation systems for Shan State, but is being channelled to legitimate businesses directly under |them. 

"They (Wa) are not just looking to get the drugs across the border. They are looking to expand their empire to other areas that are beyond most people's reach," Peeranate said. 

Chasing the Burmese dragon

The Thaksin government is poised to launch a major anti-drug offensive against the Burma-based Wa army. It stands a real risk of failure, Don Pathan reports.

Two years ago when the bodies of nine Thai villagers, beaten to death with their hands tied behind their backs, were found scattered along the northern border, all fingers pointed to the Wa army which is based just on the other side of the border.

It was a drug deal gone bad, and members of the United Wa State Army did it, Thai officials said. Though no one has proven exactly who carried out the brutal act, nevertheless the blame was conveniently placed on the Wa. After all, this 20,000-strong outfit has been dubbed the world's largest armed drug-trafficking group, and a number of its leaders have already been indicted by a US federal court on drug charges.

Thai security agencies found themselves in a situation where they had to act and act fast. The army was brought into the picture, border crossings leading to the UWSA areas were ordered shut, and over 1,000 Thai workers building everything from roads and hydroelectric dams to schools and hospitals in nearby Wacontrolled areas were told to come home.

For the Thai troops along the border overlooking Doi Sam Sao opposite Thailand's Mae Ai district, this meant that their daily volleyball games with the Wa soldiers had to end. The Thai public and the media went along for the ride, and the Thaksin government, as well as the previous Chuan administration, couldn't resist jumping on the bandwagon in spite of its racist connotations. "Wa" immediately became a household name. And just like that, an entire ethnic group became demonised.

To show that he meant business Thaksin, shortly after taking over as premier, launched a highprofile drug seminar in Chiang Mai. Photographs showed Burma's security chief, Lt-General Khin Nyunt, shaking hands with Wa leaders in Mong Yawn, a newly built town adjacent to Chiang Mai's Mae Ai district. Thai officials said Mong Yawn was the source of millions of methamphetamine pills heading for the streets of Bangkok and other major cities in the country.

At the end of the two-day seminar, Thaksin boldly told the public that he would take the matter straight to Rangoon. China, said Thaksin, will also be brought into the picture to help with the counter-narcotics efforts.

Thailand's latest move is to form a 400-strong anti-drug task force made up of staff from the Army Special Forces, infantry and Border Police units. They will be trained by a team of about 20 soldiers from the US Special Forces, starting this October under the supervision of the Third Army.

But while the public ate up the anti-narcotic rhetoric, little discussion was given to the implications and the possible fallout with Rangoon and Beijing, two sovereign governments whose priorities happen to be other than the Thai people's bad habits.

A Bangkok-based foreign diplomat overseeing drug issues called Thailand's declaring war on the Wa a "knee-jerk" reaction without real understanding of the situation on the ground. For any anti-narcotic policy to be successful, according to Burma experts, it must include a meaningful political solution for all insurgent groups in the ethnically diverse country. Drug trafficking and insurgency, they say, are two

sides of the same coin.

In a recent interview with The Nation, the UN Drug Control Programme's regional representative Sandro Calvani said a strong foundation for regional countries to cooperate in their anti-narcotic efforts "exists in joint agreements, but real united action requires significant improvements".

"Finger-pointing to drug-producers or drug-users helps no one. History in other parts of the world has shown that isolating a group does more harm than help," said Calvani, suggesting that

regional UN coordinated action on the Wa and Burma might be more effective than fragmented

moves by Thailand, Malaysia, China, India and other countries concerned.

As for the country's anti-drug policy, an alliance that unites the government, the UN and the entire civil society must be created, while the private and public sectors, as well as government agencies and the community, must be included in this endeavour, he said.

For years Rangoon has consistently come under attack by Western governments for allowing drug armies and opium warlords to operate with little hindrance. They point to the presence of the Wa army along Burma's northern border with Thailand and China, as well as the Kokang Chinese, also known as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army.

But the reality on the ground, say Thai and foreign drug officials, is that the Burmese government has little control over the Wa's activities. For one thing, Burmese troops must have permission before entering areas occupied by UWSA troops.

Wa fighters were the foot-soldiers of the now defunct Communist Party of Burma. In 1989 the CPB fractured along ethnic lines, and the group formed the United Wa State Army, before working out an attractive cease-fire agreement orchestrated by security chief Lt-General Khin Nyunt.

For Rangoon the truce neutralised a 20,000-strong insurgent group that had enough weapons to last them for another decade. For the Wa it was a green light to expand their heroin empire southwards from the Chinese border to areas adjacent to Thailand's northern border. Along the way they clashed with former drug kingpin Khun Sa, hastening his surrender in January 1996.

Today, besides filling a vacuum left by Khun Sa, the presence of the |Wa army along the Thai border is deemed a security threat to Thailand. The group is also perceived to be a significant factor in the tit-for-tat relations between Thailand and Burma. 

The Nation

https://sandrocalvani.it/archivio/docs/20080918_News_chasing_dragon.pdf

Shan State is drugs-free: New warlord

Maha Ja (center) with Thai reporters in front of Khun Sa's house.

REMNANTS of the disbanded Mong Tai Army seek to regroup and start new lives under a peaceful arrangement with the Rangoon government. Don Pathan reports from Hua Muang, Shan State.

A faded wooden sign inscribed with "Mong Tai Army" hangs besides the dusty road leading to the heart of this small town and serves as a vivid reminder of how this 14-kilometre stretch of valley had managed to land itself on the world map.

It was here that world famous opium warlord Khun Sa and his 15,000-strong Mong Tai Army (MTA) maintained their headquarters five years ago before giving themselves up to the military government of Burma in return for a generous amnesty. It was also from here that experts say about half of the world's heroin was produced and then smuggled out to flood the streets of America and Europe.

During a recent two-day visit by The Nation, the new king of the valley, Mahaja, tried desperately to shake off the ugly past and the stigma that still haunt many of his former colleagues and other ethnic leaders in Shan State.

In early 1996, Mahaja, a feared MTA commander, joined Khun Sa in surrendering to the Burmese but stayed behind to form the Southern Shan State enterprise to look after various business ventures, primarily in garment manufacturing, logging and gem mining.

Though Mahaja insisted that he no longer harboured any political ambitions to form an independent Shan State, this hardened tiny man nevertheless looks every bit a fighter.

Mahaja never leaves home without his bodyguards and two loaded pistols on his belt.

"I have given up the armed struggle in return for rural development," said the wizened 50-year-old leader who has been a soldier ever since he was 13, as his armed bodyguards look on a few feet away.

As a reward for entering Burma's "legal fold", Mahaja was given the reins to a semi-autonomous region stretching from this former MTA stronghold across the Salween River over to Taunggyi, a major commercial centre in southern Shan State.

Thai-Burma border leading to Hua Muang.

A tacit but cosy arrangement has the Burmese government troops providing security along the perimeter and Mahaja and his paramilitary troops handling their own internal administrative and economic affairs. Rangoon has dispatched three battalions to the area as well as a military intelligence unit to look after the rugged border crossing that links Hua Muang to Thailand's Mae Hong Son. Rangoon also helped out with sculpting out rice paddies and other infrastructure projects.

"In return, they asked us to stop trafficking in drugs and to stop engaging in arms sales to other rebel groups," Mahaja said, as he blew a big puff of smoke from his bamboo tobacco pipe. "This is the best set-up. I urge all other armed ethnic groups to do the same," he added.

Mahaja has in mind to establish a new trade route passing through Hua Muang and linking Mae Hong Son and Taunggyi. This would save lots of time and money considering that the current outlet for goods from Taunggyi is the faraway Tachilek-Mae Sai crossing, he said.

Living in the area under his control are nearly 10,000 people, mostly ethnic Shan but also some Karen and Wa, and about 3,000 paramilitary soldiers. The Southern Shan State, set up two years ago, looks after the community's wide range of investments.

The main road that runs through the town is being upgraded, while Khun Sa's old homes and other official residences are being renovated to accommodate foreign VIPs. The spacious marketplace is as busy as usual, though locals said it was a much more bustling place when the MTA ruled the area.

A hospital, once packed with wounded MTA soldiers, is up and running with Burmese physicians overseeing it, while a church and two Buddhist monasteries are well attended. Unlike in the past when the Burmese language was prohibited, a Hua Muang school now teaches in both Shan and Burmese languages.

"When Khun Sa was here, we were taught to hate the Burmese," said an MTA veteran who finally came to grips with reality, joined Mahaja's outfit and now works alongside the Burmese. "It's still tough for many Tai (Shan) here. Many are still uncomfortable with all the Burmese officials around."

Mahaja, himself half Shan and half Wa, gained a reputation as a fierce soldier in the early 1990s when his unit successfully fended off MTA's arch rival, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), in a series of bloody attacks on Doi Lang - the 32-square kilometre patch of land adjacent to Chiang Mai's Mae Ai district that is now the focus of dispute by Thailand and Burma.

During Khun Sa's time, Mahaja said, resources were plentiful. Soldiers were paid regularly and the town, about one hour from the border crossing in Mae Hong Son, was vibrant.

"Today, these militia join me willingly. They don't get any pay but the Southern Shan State helps them with rice and other expenses, including health care," Mahaja said.

Burma's old hands and Mahaja himself said he is in the best position to run Hua Muang. Over the years the man has managed to establish dialogues with various rebel groups, including those who have cease-fire agreements with Rangoon, such as the UWSA, and those who are still fighting the junta for autonomy, including his former colleague Colonel Yawd Serk, the leader of the Shan State Army.

When asked why ethnic rebels are still fighting the junta government, Mahaja replied: "It's partly because of foreign influences and partly because of the selfishness of the leaders themselves."

But his dream of turning Hua Muang into a commercial centre may not be realised any time soon. Thai and Burmese relations are currently experiencing one of their lowest ebbs in the past decade following crossing border shelling on the northern border over a month ago.

"They accused one another of supporting this and supporting that rebel group. I don't think either side is blameless," Mahaja said without elaborating.

Nevertheless, Mahaja said he still has hopes that the international community will take him seriously. He urged international anti-drug agencies, including the US Drug Enforcement Agency, to visit his area to verify for themselves that it is drugs-free. He also expressed interest in seeing United Nations development assistance programmes for his people.

Rangoon's peace deals with these rebel groups vary from one to the other, depending on the bargaining power of each group.The UWSA, for example, has managed to keep its 20,000-strong contingent and over the year extended its supremacy from its stronghold on the Chinese border to an area adjacent to Thailand's Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces. Burmese government troops have to disarm before entering Wa territory.
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The Nation - April 05, 2001.
'I WILL SHOOT THEM'

HUA MUANG, Shan State, Burma - Despite having laid down his weapons in return for limited self-rule, Mahaja, once a fierce military commander in Burmese drug lord Khun Sa's Mong Tai Army, said he would not hesitate to pick them up again if the Wa and Kokang Chinese invade his area.

"I will shoot them," Mahaja said during a recent interview with The Nation from one of his homes overlooking the 14-kilometre valley that served as the stronghold of Khun Sa's army.

"If these groups enter our territory we are more than ready to fight. We won't be the first to shoot but we will definitely defend our territory," Mahaja said.

Mahaja said he has been somewhat heavy-hearted by the ongoing mass relocation of the ethnic Wa and Kokang Chinese into the area by another pro-Rangoon group, the United Wa State Army (UWSA).

Mahaja, who is of mixed Wa and Shan ethnic backgrounds, followed Khun Sa five years ago in surrendering to Rangoon in return for amnesty, but remained behind to pursue business opportunities. He now controls a 3,000-member militia, and is still regarded as a fierce, battle-hardened warrior.

He said the Burmese government has asked if the Wa and Kokang Chinese could move into the area under his control.

"They said they want to help us develop the area. We said no because we can look after ourselves," he said.

When asked why he was so opposed to sharing his territory with the Wa army, Mahaja said it was the stigma of drugs.

Thai authorities have accused the UWSA of flooding the Kingdom with millions of methamphetamine pills and see the unwanted neighbours as a security threat. But Rangoon defends the relocations to Hua Muang as part of the UWSA's drug-eradication programme.

"If the UWSA moves here, what will the international community think of us? They'll look at us as another drug trafficker and won't have anything to do with us," said Mahaja, adding that he is ready to let the UN and the US Drug Enforcement Agency inspect the area, once a major outlet for the world's heroin supply.

"But if they don't find anything [drugs], they should help us develop the area," he added.

For the past year or so, the UWSA has carried out mass relocations of ethnic Wa and Kokang Chinese from the area along the Chinese border to recently built towns adjacent to Chiang Mai's Mae Ai and Fang districts.

Rangoon defended the moves as part of the Wa's anti-drug programme, saying Thailand's closure of the border checkpoint leading to Mong Yawn has hampered the UWSA's efforts to become drug free.

For decades, Rangoon has come under constant condemnation from the international community over the treatment of its people, including the practice of forced labour. Mahaja asked the world to put the situation in perspective.

"There are wars going on. All sides violate the rights of their own people. In the end, it's the people who suffer," he said.

Mahaja also urged the general public not demonise the ethnic Wa, many of whom are living under his control, just because some armed groups call themselves Wa.

"Wa is just a name. The real culprits are the Chinese drug dealers from the mainland. You can take a methamphetamine and show it to any Wa villager and he won't know what it is," Mahaja said.

Mahaja also accused the international community of being biased against Burma's military junta, especially its relationship to the Wa.

"Burma doesn't give permission to ethnic groups to produce drugs. But some of these groups do it anyway," he said.

But convincing the international community, especially neighbouring Thailand, that he is drug free has not been easy, he said.

In the past, some Thai officials have made their way here to talk about possible investments, he said. "But for the past two years, because of the tension along the border over drug trafficking, these visitors have pretty much disappeared," he said.

Indeed, shaking the ghosts of the past must not be easy for a man who once worked under the notorious Khun Sa, reportedly one of the wealthiest men in Burma.

Experts said no anti-drug policy in Burma will succeed unless it is linked with a real political solution that includes the armed ethnic groups fighting the government for autonomy.

The Nation: Burmese Intruders Repelled; 3 Dead

JEERAPORN CHAISRI, DON PATHAN
The Nation

MAE SAI, Chiang Rai

The situation remained tense here yesterday with Thai soldiers sealing off long stretches of Thailand's northern border with Burma following heavy clashes with Burmese troops throughout the day that resulted in the death of at least three Thai villagers.

At least 16 Thai nationals, seven of them soldiers, were injured in the fighting. Unconfirmed reports said 20 Burmese soldiers had been killed, officials said.

The fighting has turned this normally vibrant commercial district into a ghost town, with local residents and shopkeepers packing whatever belongings they can and fleeing into Chiang Rai province.

About 800 Thai soldiers have been deployed to border areas in Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces. The Army has asked the Air Force to help it secure the border area, said Lt-General Wathanachai Chaimuanwong, commander of the Third Army Region.

Yesterday's clashes erupted after a unit of Burmese soldiers who had occupied a Thai base camp near Ban Pang Noon since Friday refused to retreat over the border.

At least 19 Thai Rangers were positioned there when Burmese troops overran the base on Friday, deputy commander of the Third Army Region Lt-General Chamlong Phothong, told The Nation yesterday.

Visiting Queen Margrethe and members of the Danish royal family accompanied by Her Royal Highness Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn in northern Thailand were yesterday contemplating cancelling a visit to the nearby Golden Triangle area for security reasons, according to official
sources.

Shortly after the three-hour clash at Ban Pang Noon yesterday morning, Burmese soldiers began firing random volleys of gunfire every five to 10 minutes or so into the heart of Mae Sai while shelling the outskirts of the town, damaging about 10 homes.

Speaking at a press conference yesterday, an emotional Wathanachai accused Burma of violating Thailand's sovereignty and provoking the incident.

"They want the hill [near Ban Pang Noon] so they can position their artillery there to shoot at the [Shan] minority army. But this is our territory. I can't allow them to walk over us like this," the visibly tense commander said.


Ban Pang Noon is about seven kilometres south of Chiang Rai province's Mae Sai, a major commercial town bordering Burma's Tachilek town. Thai goods cross the border at the town, destined for as far away as China and India.

Other areas along the northern Thai-Burmese border remained on the alert, with troops from both sides closely monitoring each other's movements.

According to Chamlong, the 19 Thai Rangers who were in the base camp near Ban Pang Noon tried to persuade the Burmese to return over the border. "It was when the Burmese decided to release them and sent them back down to us that we decided to shell the hill," Chamlong said.

"It is our duty to defend our sovereign territory," he said. For the past week Burmese government troops have been engaged in heavy fighting with soldiers from the Shan State Army (SSA), a rebel outfit fighting for autonomy from Rangoon.

About 50 ethnic Shan families displaced by fighting between SSA soldiers and Burmese government troops live near Ban Pang Noon in Mae Pha Luang district, Chamlong said.

During the press conference yesterday, Wathanachai accused the Burmese troops of "deliberately trying to shoot down one of our helicopters, which was transporting food to troops in the area."

The incident took place at about 2pm on Saturday in Doi Lang, just 70 kilometres south of Mae Sai district, Chamlong said.

"It was intentional, and the incident is not an isolated one. The troops who shot at the helicopter are from the same unit that invaded our territory," Wathanachai said. The helicopter was forced to make an emergency landing at a nearby army base near Tha Thon.

Disputed Doi Lang, once occupied by soldiers belonging to opium warlord Khun Sa's Mong Tai Army, has for the past six years been occupied by both Thai and Burmese troops. The area became debatable after Khun Sa surrendered to Rangoon in January 1996 in return for an amnesty.
Throughout the weekend, firefights and exchanges of artillery shells between SSA troops and Burmese soldiers on the outskirts of Tachilek could be heard clearly in nearby Mae Sai.

Wathanachai said Burmese soldiers had launched "a heavy operation" against the SSA in an effort to give the United Wa State Army (UWSA), a pro-Rangoon ethnic outfit, greater control of the border region.

Headquartered in Panghsang on the Chinese border, the 20,000-strong UWSA is one of the world's largest armed drug-trafficking groups. It controls a large area along the northern Thai-Burmese border, where it engages in illicit drug production and trafficking.

Mae Sai, one of the liveliest towns along the border, was pretty much deserted yesterday afternoon amid fear that fighting could spill over into the town.

Chamlong said the border would remain closed until the situation returned to normal. Opening it now would risk the town falling into the hands of the Burmese and endangering national security, he said.
___________________________________________________

The Nation: Govt to Lodge Protest with Envoy

BY DON PATHAN
The Nation

THE Foreign Ministry will today summon Burmese Ambassador Hla Maung to receive an official letter of protest condemning recent clashes between Thai and Burmese troops, said Surapong Jayanama, director-general of the ministry's East Asia Department yesterday.

The government will also demand financial compensation for loss of life and property caused by Burmese troops, Surapong said.

"Burmese troops have violated the country's sovereignty and territorial integrity," Surapong said. "The Thai Army responded directly to the violation, which Thailand deems provocative," Surapong said.

Foreign Ministry chief spokesman Pradarp Phibulsonggram said the government would call on Rangoon to reconvene the Thai-Burmese Regional Border Committee (RBC) as soon as possible to help clear the air following clashes that left at least three Thai villagers dead and more than a dozen injured.

The RBC is a bilateral committee set up to solve border disputes. It is chaired by the army commanders overseeing the countries' regions involved. The committee last met about two years ago, Pradarp said.

Thai and Burmese troops exchanged fire over the weekend, resulting in the death of at least three Thai villagers.

Seven Thai soldiers were reported to be in a serious condition, said Thai army officials, while news reports claimed 20 Burmese soldiers had been killed.

A Thai helicopter was also shot at on Saturday by Burmese troops positioned at Doi Lang, about 70 kilometres south of Mae Sai district. The helicopter was forced to carry out an emergency landing at an army camp at Tha Ton.

Army officials described the border area along Thailand's Mae Sai and Mae Ai districts as tense, with both sides monitoring each other's movements closely.

The weekend clashes marked the first direct confrontation between Thai and Burmese soldiers in three years.

Five years ago Burmese troops crossed deep into Thailand to burn down the Huay Kalok refugee camps near Mae Sot district, where thousands of ethnic Karens were living.

The incident was repeated the following year, forcing the Thai government to condemn the acts.
Yesterday's incident forced security planners to ponder the timing of the clashes.

One security official said Thai authorities believed the act was a deliberate test of new Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was installed as premier on February 9, the same day Burmese troops
illegally seized a hill near Ban Pang Noon and held at least 19 Thai Rangers hostage for some time.

Both Thaksin and General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, who is expected to receive the Defence Ministry post, have publicly criticised the state of Thai-Burmese relations under Chuan Leekpai, saying they would use their relations with the Burmese junta to patch things up.

Many Thai defence planners expect more violent incidents along the border in the near future, with the Burmese generals looking forward to a less confrontational Bangkok government, the source said.
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Terrified Villagers Flee from 'Cruel Burmese'

February 12, 2001

By Jeeraporn Chaisri
The Nation

BAN PONG - Po, 67, woke up to gunfire yesterday morning and, grabbing
whatever she could, fled the area with her three-year-old niece.
All she has left in her possession is an extra set of clothes for her
niece. She said she had no idea how long the girl would have to wear
them before she could get hold of something new.

Po trekked for two kilometres from Doi Ngam before arriving at the main
road where she and others felt safe from stray Burmese bullets. She and
her niece were met by local authorities who were picking up evacuees.

"There was a guesthouse nearby that was blown to pieces," Po said.
"Smoke and dirt were all over the place."

Po said she had been worried that there would not be enough blankets to
go around, adding that the biting cold in the evenings in the North
didn't cross her mind when she was fleeing for her life. There were
plenty of blankets, however.

Po said she hopes peace comes soon so she and her family can return.

"There is no place as warm and peaceful as one's home. It's cold at
night and I'm concerned about my niece," she said.

Sukhavich Srithong, coordinator at Ban Pong's evacuation centre, said
there are about 1,000 people at the centre and that another 1,000 are
expected to arrive in the night.

The centre will not provide food because of a shortage of funds.
As the incident took place yesterday when most officers were away, it
has been difficult to coordinate with other government agencies,
Sukhavich said.
"For the time being, we can provide water and medicine but no food
because we don't have the money. We will welcome a helping hand from any
organisation that can help.

"It's not certain how long the situation will drag on," he said.
The evacuation centre at Ban Pong's school consists of a four-storey
building and another two-storey building, as well as more than 10 big
tents packed with villagers.

In addition to arriving with family members, many came with dogs and
cats and a quite a few with roosters. Some arrived with carts of rice,
water and blankets hauled by motorbikes.

Police set up a checkpoint to inspect unauthorised vehicles, but some
motorcycle taxis managed to sneak through, heading for Mae Sai to pick
up those still stranded.

Crossing closed in bid to stem flow of drugs

Don Pathan
The Nation

NATIONAL Security Council chief Kachadpai Burusapatana yesterday announced the widely expected closure of a northern border checkpoint to prevent the flow of drugs from Burma.

The closure will also help eliminate the flow of chemicals used for making methamphetamines into the area where a large number of heroin and amphetamines labs are situated, Kajudpai said.

He added that China, which borders Burma, would be urged to do more to help curb narcotic activities in the area.

After meeting with a number of government agencies -- including the military, foreign ministry, police, and the Office of Narcotic Control Board -- Kachadpai said the all party-committee had agreed that the closing of Baan San Ton Doo checkpoint would help restrict the flow of drugs from the Wa Hills.

The area is controlled by the United Wa State Army, one of the world largest armed narcotic trafficking group operating out of Burma Shan State along the Thai-Burma border. Baan San Ton Doo is situated in Chiang Mai's Mae Ai District.

The committee's finding was forwarded to the Ministry of Interior yesterday and the provincial authorities are expected to close the checkpoint in the near future, he said.

The multi-agencies committee agreed yesterday that the closure would not detrimentally affect the local economy as only Bt70 million of goods were transported through the checkpoint last year, Kachudpai said.

The controversial checkpoint was opened last year at the request of the provincial authorities and the approval of the National Security Council. It links Mae Ai District to the United Wa State Army (UWSA) southern command in Mong Yawn, which is about 3O kilometers inside Shan State.

Kachadpai defended last year's decision to open Baan Son Ton Doo, saying that the government agencies were not aware of the UWSA's narcotic activities in the area at the time when the opening of the checkpoint was being considered.

He suggested that the checkpoint could be reopened if the Burmese government agreed to set up the necessary agencies, such as customs and immigration, at the crossing point.

UWSA was allowed to shift its operations from Panghsang on the China-Burma border after signing a cease-fire agreement with the Burmese junta in 1989. The deal was arranged by Burma's powerful security chief Lt Gen Khin Nyunt as part of Rangoon's effort to neutralise the 20,000-strong rebel group.

Since the opening of the checkpoint last year, UWSA has welcomed outsiders, allowing Thai merchants to transport everything from household goods to construction materials. Twice a week, hundreds of local Thai merchants line up at the checkpoint waiting to be screened by immigration and customs officers before entering what has long been a no-go area.

Thousands of Thai nationals are involved in a mix of projects including small dams, hospitals and schools in and around Mong Yawn. A road construction project -- financed by both the junta and the UWSA -- which will link Chiang Mai's Mae Ai district to Mong Yawn and Mong Hsat some 90 kilometres inside Burma's Shan State -- is expected to be completed this year. A loop linking Mong Hsat to the popular border town of Tachilek opposite Chiang Rai's Mae Sai district is also underway.

Rangoon has been accused by the international community of turning a blind eye to narcotic activities in the country, while the government insists that it does not have full control of its rebel-plagued border.

''The closure of the checkpoint is just one measure,'' said Kachadpai. ''We plan to involve the local villagers in the fight against drugs.''

In recent months, Thai border officials have engaged in a number of gunfights with drug trafficking groups crossing over from the Burmese side.

Kachudpai said about 80 per cent of all the amphetamines flooding the country originated from the area.

UWSA is on the verge of becoming the next controller of the Golden Triangle's illicit drug trade, replacing Khun Sa and his Mong Tai Army who surrendered to the Burmese government three years ago in return for amnesty.

Thai and US drug agencies estimate that about 1,700 tonnes of raw opium were cultivated in the Triangle last year, down from 2,300 tonnes the previous year, partly because of bad weather. About 10 kilogrammes of opium is needed to make a kilogramme of heroin.

Play more meaningful role, Surin tells ARF

July 22, 1999

SINGAPORE -- Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan yesterday called on the Asean Regional Forum (ARF) to go beyond being a mere talk shop and take on a more meaningful role by adopting mechanisms aimed at preventing disputes in the region. 

Speaking to a foreign correspondent yesterday, Surin said a number of countries in Asean agree with Thailand that the security forum should expand its focus from ''confidence-building measures'' or CBMs to ''preventive diplomacy'' aimed at eliminating possible conflicts in the region. 

Asean ministers issued a statement at last year's ARF meeting in Manila that there was still ''considerable scope to further develop and deepen cooperation on confidence-building measures'' but at the

     same time noted that the distinction between

     CBMs and preventive diplomacy was blurred.

     The move would make the 32-year-old

     regional bloc more active in managing

     conflicting claims, in order to prevent possible

     conflicts within the region, Surin said. 

     The foreign minister admitted however that

     there are some sceptics. ''There are some

     who feel that we are not ready enough, but

     also some who feel that we should move in

     that direction,'' he noted. 

     Nevertheless, the annual meeting remained a

     good opportunity for Asean members and

     their dialogue partners including China, the

     US, Russia and the European Union to

     explore such a possibility. 

     Surin's statement came just days after a

     Filipino gunboat sank a Chinese fishing boat

     after chasing the vessel for several hours

     around the Spratlys, a cluster of

     hotly-disputed, resource-rich islands and

     reefs in the South China Sea. 

     The incident, said Surin, has affected the

     ''mood'' of the international community which

     has a vested interest in stability in the Spratly

     area's sea lanes because of commercial

     shipping. 

     The disputed islands are claimed wholly or in

     part by the Philippines, China, Taiwan,

     Brunei, Malaysia and Vietnam. Beijing has

     insisted on treating the dispute bilaterally with

     the other claimants, but some Asean

     members would like to see it discussed at an

     international forum such as the ARF. 

     The Philippines and Vietnam are to propose a

     code of conduct for Spratly claimants to

     abide by, but Malaysian Deputy Foreign

     Minister Lauro Baja said that concerned

     Asean members should have a common

     position when engaging China on the matter. 

     Disputes and clashes over the Spratlys have

     long been a sour point for the regional

     grouping. 

     Surin said the bilateral agreement between

     Thailand and Malaysia on joint development

     of the previously-disputed area in the Gulf of

     Thailand could serve as a model for the

     claimants. It took the two countries over 20

     years to agree on the joint development

     scheme, enforced over a 720-square

     kilometre area. 

     Chairmanship of the ARF rotates among

     member countries. Thailand is scheduled to

     take over from current chair Singapore within

     the next few days. 

     Surin also noted that the issue of social

     safety nets are to be included on the agenda

     for the first time during the forum. 

     ''The spectres of underemployment, poverty

     and malnutrition that grip many nations are

     the seeds of instability which threaten to wipe

     away much of the progress that we have

     achieved over the past decades,'' he said. 

     Asean now covers the full complement of

     Southeast Asian nations, including Malaysia,

     Singapore, the Philippines, Indonesia,

     Thailand, Brunei, Cambodia, Vietnam, Burma

     and Laos. 

     BY DON PATHAN 

     The Nation

Tension Between Burmese Junta, UWSA

Don Pathan

The Nation

24 Mar 1999  

Doi Sam Sao, Burma __ Something is cooking in Burma's northeastern frontier along the Thai border, and it's more than just chemicals being boiled in one of the numerous heroin labs belonging to Burma's narcotics trafficking groups. 

For the past year or so, tension between the Burmese junta and the United Wa State Army (UWSA) has been building up, threatening to end a decade-old ceasefire agreement between Rangoon and the armed ethnic group--dubbed the world's largest armed narcotics' trafficking organization by the United States government. The generals in Rangoon have ordered the UWSA to move back to their stronghold in Panghsang on the Burmese border with China, so far issuing two ultimatums without specifying the consequences should the armed rebels not comply. 

Naturally, the UWSA chose to ignore the demands and instead beefed up its logistics along the Thai-Burmese border opposite Chiang Mai province. At the same time, the group has begun to welcome outsiders, allowing Thai merchants to transport everything from household goods to construction materials. Twice a week, hundreds of local Thai merchants line up at the checkpoint just north of Chiang Mai's Ta Thon district to be screened by immigration and customs officers before entering what has long been a no-go area and only a couple of decades ago a place where headhunters roamed. 

Border officials said thousands of Thai nationals are currently working in the Wa-controlled territory, building everything from a small dam to hospitals and schools. The checkpoint, located in Mae Ai district, was opened last August. A road construction project--financed by both the junta and the UWSA--which will link Chiang Mai's Mae Ai district to Mong Yawn and Mong Hsat, some 90 kilometers inside Burma's Shan State, is expected to be completed this year. A loop linking Mong Hsat to the popular border town of Tachilek opposite Chiang Rai's Mae Sai district is also on the way. 

"They are here to stay," said Maj Gen Chamlong Photong, chief-of-staff of the Thai Army's Third Region. "The pressure is on us to do something about it." 

In fact, the Thai general added, the UWSA is on the verge of becoming the next druglord of the Golden Triangle, replacing Khun Sa and his Mong Tai Army, who surrendered to the government three years ago in return for amnesty. 

Thai and US drug agencies estimate that about 1,700 tonnes of raw opium were cultivated in the Triangle last year, down from 2,300 tonnes the previous year, partly because of bad weather. About 10 kilogrammes of opium is needed to make a kilogramme of heroin. 

"The Wa are responsible for nearly half this amount," said Sorasit Sangprasert, deputy chief of Thailand's Office of the Narcotics Control Board. 

The UWSA came into existence shortly after the Communist Party of Burma crumbled a decade ago. A ceasefire agreement, orchestrated by Burma's security chief Lt Gen Khin Nyunt, was reached soon afterwards. The idea, say Burma watchers, was to neutralize a 20,000-plus strong army that had enough weapons to last them at least a decade. Rangoon didn't want these weapons, most of which came from China, to fall into the hands of other rebel groups. For the Wa, it was an opportunity to expand their heroin empire from their stronghold in Panghsang to a new frontier along the upper Thai-Burmese border. 

But nothing comes easy in trouble-plagued Burma. The expansion meant that a war between Wa and the Khun Sa's Mong Tai Army, the Wa's arch-rival and business competitor, was inevitable. Three years ago, Khun Sa and his army surrendered to the junta and the territory once controlled by the former opium warlord was left up for grabs as Burmese, Thai and Wa troops rushed in to plant their flag poles. 

A Wa commander overseeing the crossing point to Thailand said the UWSA will not make the same "mistake" as Kun Sa. Indeed, it's a very different story nowadays. With Khun Sa and his army out of the picture, the decade-old agreement is losing its appeal as territorial control along the rugged conflict-plagued borders becomes a higher priority for certain sectors in the junta's ruling body known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). 

The SPDC has demanded that the UWSA retreat to the Chinese border. Essentially, this would mean that their heroin and methamphetamine network through Thai gateways would be shut. Thai military officers, however, say the implications are too great for the Burmese to begin a war with the Wa. 

"The situation makes it difficult for us," Chamlong said. "Besides, the Chinese don't want them along their border either." In fact, the growing drug problem in Yunnan province forced the Chinese authorities to summon UWSA leader Pao Yochang for a stern warning. At one point, the Chinese threatened to cut off the flow of food to Wa territory. 

Nevertheless, the pressure is on Thailand to do something about the flow of drugs into the Kingdom. No longer is the group producing heroin for European and American markets. Instead, narcotics officials insist, millions of methamphetamines--known locally as yaa baa--produced cheaply by the group have flooded into Thailand. 

"It's cheap to produce and the market is right here in Thailand," Sorasit said. 

During a recent two-day visit to Thailand, Burmese Foreign Minister Aung Win dismissed allegations that Rangoon is to blame for the rise in the methamphetamine problem in Thailand, saying the precursor chemicals needed for producing the stimulants come from abroad. 

"Besides, how do you know the drugs are not made here (in Thailand])" he added. "They could be produced anywhere." 

Burma has come up with an ambitious plan to end opium cultivation nationwide within 15 years. The plan has received praise from some in the international community. 

Critics say the ruling junta is too willing to appease insurgent groups as foreign condemnations take a back seat to stability in the hinterland. 

"They choose to ignore the reality (in Burma)," Win Aung said. Nevertheless, it remains to be seen if the junta is willing to pick a fight with one of the world's largest producers and traffickers of illicit drugs. 

Besides, the generals in Rangoon have other pressing issues to deal with, namely the dry-season offensive against armed ethnic groups who refused to sign a cease-fire agreement with the government, Chamlong said. 

Meanwhile, all parties agree that it is a matter of time before the Wa and Burmese begin fighting each other again.