The toxic nationalism of the Thai-Cambodia border crisis
Bangkok's rush to punish neighbor may hurt industries, stoke political dysfunction
Don Pathan
August 26, 2025 17:05 JST
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Don Pathan is a Thailand-based security analyst.
Following the border clashes that erupted on July 24 and lasted five days until a ceasefire was reached, Thai people from all walks of life are united in their anger against Cambodia and have come together to punish their eastern neighbor in any way they can -- despite knowing that their toxic nationalism comes with a heavy price.
More than 40 people were killed and about 300,000 were displaced by cross-border attacks on both countries. Not only are bilateral ties at a new low, the social and economic fabric of these two nations whose people share similar cultural traits -- residents along both sides of the border are predominantly Khmer-speakers -- has been ripped apart.
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Opinion
The toxic nationalism of the Thai-Cambodia border crisis
Bangkok's rush to punish neighbor may hurt industries, stoke political dysfunction
Don Pathan
August 26, 2025 17:05 JST
20250825 Thai Cambo 1
Thai military and Thailand Mine Action Centre (TMAC) personnel stand guard near the Thai-Cambodian border at Chong Chub Ta Mok area in Surin Province, Thailand, on Aug. 20, 2025.
Don Pathan is a Thailand-based security analyst.
Following the border clashes that erupted on July 24 and lasted five days until a ceasefire was reached, Thai people from all walks of life are united in their anger against Cambodia and have come together to punish their eastern neighbor in any way they can -- despite knowing that their toxic nationalism comes with a heavy price.
More than 40 people were killed and about 300,000 were displaced by cross-border attacks on both countries. Not only are bilateral ties at a new low, the social and economic fabric of these two nations whose people share similar cultural traits -- residents along both sides of the border are predominantly Khmer-speakers -- has been ripped apart.
Just this past week, a group of Thai senators called on the government to end scholarships for Cambodian students, accusing them of being "ungrateful." The move followed an earlier decision by acting Defense Minister Gen. Nattapol Nakpanit, who ordered all Cambodians at the National Defence College to pack up and leave the country.
Similarly, Ramkhamhaeng University in Bangkok revoked the honorary doctorate degree it had granted to Hun Sen, the president of the Cambodian Senate. The Cambodian strongman said this measure was unnecessary because he had already flushed the degree down the toilet.
Little consideration is given to the fact that the Thai economy -- particularly industries and factories in the northeastern provinces -- depends heavily on cheap Cambodian labor. More than 1 million Cambodian nationals work in Thailand under a bilateral arrangement.
And while the Thai armed forces are enjoying an outpouring of support, civil-military relations have deteriorated as nobody is talking about reforms for fear of sounding unpatriotic.
The absence of strong political leadership in Thailand has created a free-for-all situation in which just about everybody is pushing their own agenda. Nationalists are talking about collecting donations to purchase drones for military units along the border, while others are suggesting migrant workers from Myanmar should replace the Cambodians -- an off-the-cuff idea that overlooks the fact migrant workers tend to be regular fixtures in border communities.
Such arrangements were achieved through years of negotiations between government agencies and the private sector, who realize that fairness is the best policy when dealing with migrant workers from neighboring countries.
Still, many Thais believe they possess the moral high ground because Thailand provides these foreign workers the means for their livelihood. They ignore the fact that these back-breaking jobs are shunned by Thai nationals who have other options, such as going abroad for higher pay and better working conditions.
To escape constant harassment, many Cambodians have opted to return home. Needless to say, Thailand's private sector is feeling the heat.
Suspended Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra arrives at the Constitutional Court to testify in a high-profile ethics case in Bangkok on Aug. 21, 2025. © Reuters
If recent history teaches us anything, it is that bilateral ties between Thailand and Cambodia are usually quickly patched up after border clashes. This is because deep down, Thailand and Cambodia know that for the sake of their people, it is better to cooperate than fight. But the lure of the border disputes never fails to attract political leaders looking to enhance their national standing. The two countries don't want war, they want what war can bring: national unity and the opportunity to solidify their credentials.
But nothing comes easy in this bilateral relationship, which comes with annoying pretexts. This time around, Bangkok cited suppression of scam centers in Cambodia as an excuse for extended border restrictions. Hun Sen was furious.
The situation deteriorated quickly when Hun Sen on June 18 leaked a private phone conversation he had with suspended Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra, during which she appeared to be kowtowing to the Cambodian leader while criticizing her regional commander's handling of the border dispute.
Disagreements over the border demarcation between the two countries have been an issue since the colonial period and are often exploited by political leaders. The dispute over the world-famous Preah Vihear Temple reached the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the principal judicial organ of the United Nations, on two separate occasions. The ICJ ruled in Cambodia's favor both times: first in 1962 concerning the temple's ownership, and again in 2013 regarding the surrounding area. Cambodia has also sought the ICJ's judgment on the current dispute over the Ta Muen Thom temple. However, Thailand insists on using a bilateral mechanism, likely fearing a repeat of history.
And while the Thai government is picking up the pieces shattered by the embarrassing phone conversation, the Thai military is currently enjoying enormous public support because of the border standoff. A survey in early August by the National Institute Development Administration of 1,310 people nationwide revealed that most Thais trust and are satisfied with the military's role in addressing the Thai-Cambodian conflict. They expressed strong dissatisfaction with the government and the foreign ministry.
From the minute the conflict started, both countries began reached out to members of the international community to press their case, trying to convince the world that they weren't the ones who fired the first shot. Yet overseas onlookers were more interested in understanding the nature of the problem and how to resolve it.
While Cambodia constantly pushed for outside mediation and involvement in conflict resolution, Thailand insisted on resolving the conflict bilaterally. Cambodia succeeded in getting the United Nations Security Council to convene an emergency meeting in New York, but failed to get the council to forward the case to the ICJ.
According to one government official from an ASEAN member state, the Cambodian diplomats were met by a much better prepared and better staffed delegation from Thailand. "The Thais were sophisticated and technical in their messaging, citing the Geneva Conventions and breaches of anti-mine and anti-cluster munitions obligations," the person said. "By contrast, Cambodia's position was undermined -- fairly or unfairly -- by the incident involving the Thai hospital [and attacks on other civilian targets, such as schools and convenience stores]. ... Regardless of the facts, that episode loomed large in the minds of many in New York."
In situations like these, the truth becomes almost irrelevant because there was no credible third party to verify what actually happened on the ground. In New York, it ultimately comes down to who presented their case more convincingly.
During the five-day standoff, Thailand's superior and more sophisticated firepower allowed its armed forces to focus their attacks on military targets and come across as respectful of the rules of engagement. But the generals need to understand that the world doesn't see the government and its armed forces as two separate entities.
While the "we are the good guy" narrative might go down well for domestic consumption, it does nothing in winning support from the international community, much less addressing the root causes of the border problem with Cambodia.
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