No red carpet for Thaksin in the US

The PM will have an uphill battle to restore US trust after his 'neutrality' comment on the war on terrorism

Don Pathan

The Nation

A friend in need is a friend indeed, so the old saying goes. But when old pal Washington came knocking on its door after the September 11 attacks, Thailand would only let Uncle Sam peep through the crack. 

That was when Thailand and the international community were put on the spot. The leader of the most powerful nation in the world had drawn a line in the sand: "Either you're with us or you're with them," US President George W Bush said as he declared war on international terrorism. 

But Thailand and Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra didn't know what to make of it. Thinking that it was the safest way out, he proclaimed that the country would take a "neutral" stance in this fight.

Thaksin's message to Washington was that while Thailand sympathised with America over the death of nearly 4,000 innocent people, the US government was over-reacting. 

Washington's reply to Thailand was blunt. The country was told that it risked being regarded as "irrelevant" in the new post-September 11 world order if it chose to remain neutral. 

Little did Thaksin know that this one word would make such a world of difference in Thai-US relations.

Government House insiders and others in the know said things got messy for a while. They said a number of diplomatic and military old hands with strong links to the US had to step in and help clear the air.

"It was very confusing. Thailand went from being |neutral to supporting the UN resolution on terrorism, and afterwards proclaiming that it would expand its war on |terrorism," said a Thai politician familiar with Thai-US relations.

For the time being, it appears the damage has been contained, though others say the Americans could still be upset by the fact that Thaksin will not visit the Pentagon - one of the sites of the September 11 attack - "for fear it would antagonise the Muslim community".

Nevertheless, the premier will be facing an enormous task in trying to negotiate with the Americans at a time when they are in no mood to see him.

Immediately after the September 11 atrocities, the United States was counting on moral and diplomatic support from treaty allies like Thailand. But Bangkok didn't understand the significance of claiming neutrality in a crisis of this scale.

"The Washington crowd saw this as a slap in the face," said Panitan Wattanayagorn, a leading Thai academic on international relations. 

"Principally, it might have been the right thing to do. But diplomatically, it unnecessarily created unwanted attention," Panitan added.

The premier, he said, had allowed public opinion to sway him while overlooking the national interest and what has been termed a "moral obligation" to help an ally.

Perhaps more than anybody the Thai Army understood the American psychology and needs at a time of crisis. Though obligated by treaty and memoranda of understanding to assist in times of trouble, the Thai top brass also well knew Americans were merely looking for moral support to regain their confidence. The Thai Army, meanwhile, reached out to their American counterparts by promising to incorporate anti-terrorism in the annual Cobra Gold military exercise.

For those who threw their support behind Washington, it was time to make hay. The Philippines came from nowhere to become a "good friend", with promises of more military hardware to fight Muslim separatists, while Pakistan went from being on a number of watch lists to America's sweetheart.

China went from a "strategic competitor" to a "strategic partner" in a matter of days. To show that he meant business, Bush travelled to China. Though the occasion was the Apec summit, for the American president it was an opportunity to show the Chinese that a new spirit of partnership had been forged. 

"Bush had enough reasons to stay at home with the people, but the fact that he chose to go to Shanghai really said something about his determination to win Chinese support," said another Bangkok-based diplomat.

Russia also got the full red-carpet treatment, not to mention the famed Texas hospitality and home cooking, during President Vladimir Putin's recent visit to the US.

The irony of all this is that ever since the Bush team set foot in the White House, the hawks in the cabinet were set to play hardball with Beijing. 

Japan and Germany, meanwhile, went to great pains to show they were capable of taking the heat at home by coming out strongly in support of the US. Indonesia's President Megawati Sukarnoputri stood her ground, went against the public mood, and declared her support for the fight against global terrorism.

"All these countries saw there was a common ground and a new coalition came out of it," Panitan said.

And when Thailand started to change its tune, it was too little and too late. The window of opportunity is gone and it is very unlikely that Thaksin will be getting any special treatment, unless of course he goes to Washington with something to offer.

In the official itinerary of his "working visit" there will be no 19- or 21-gun salute, no Rose Garden joint press conference and no luncheon with Bush. The highlight of the trip will be a 40-minute meeting with selected Cabinet members from both sides. 

Thaksin supporters are quick to argue that Washington didn't care about the region when he came into office and that it wasn't until after September 11 that its attitude began to change. The premier had wanted to visit the US earlier in the year but was told to hold off until the Constitution Court verdict on his corruption charges. 

Also there was the hostile foreign media which tried to paint the Thai premier as a "Thai Con", and as a man who entered politics to protect and enhance his business empire.

His critics, on the other hand, maintain the premier has a track record of getting himself into hot water. Among other things, they cited his famous Escap speech about the need for an Asian economic model, and to his comment about the service on Thai Airways International, not to mention the wishy-washy stance on terrorism.

Nevertheless, in his upcoming trip to Washington, Thaksin will try hard to put Thailand back on the Americans' radar screen. What he says or does will shape Thai-US relations as redefined by the aftermath of September 11.

No red carpet for Thaksin in the US

Don Pathan
The Nation

The PM will have an uphill battle to restore US trust after his 'neutrality' comment on the war on terrorism

A friend in need is a friend indeed, so the old saying goes. But when old pal Washington came knocking on its door after the September 11 attacks, Thailand would only let Uncle Sam peep through the crack. \

That was when Thailand and the international community were put on the spot. The leader of the most powerful nation in the world had drawn a line in the sand: "Either you're with us or you're with them," US President George W Bush said as he declared war on international terrorism. 

But Thailand and Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra didn't know what to make of it. Thinking it was the safest way out, he proclaimed that the country would take a "neutral" stance in this fight.

Thaksin's message to Washington was that while Thailand sympathized with America over the death of nearly 4,000 innocent people, the US government was overreacting. 

Washington's reply to Thailand was blunt. The country was told that it risked being regarded as "irrelevant" in the new post-September 11 world order if it chose to remain neutral. 

Little did Thaksin know that this one word would make such a world of difference in Thai-US relations.

Government House insiders and others in the know said things got messy for a while. They said a number of diplomatic and military old hands with strong links to the US had to step in and help clear the air.

"It was very confusing. Thailand went from being |neutral to supporting the UN resolution on terrorism, and afterward proclaiming that it would expand its war on |terrorism," said a Thai politician familiar with Thai-US relations.

For the time being, it appears the damage has been contained, though others say the Americans could still be upset by the fact that Thaksin will not visit the Pentagon - one of the sites of the September 11 attack - "for fear it would antagonize the Muslim community".

Nevertheless, the premier will be facing an enormous task in trying to negotiate with the Americans at a time when they are in no mood to see him.

Immediately after the September 11 atrocities, the United States was counting on moral and diplomatic support from treaty allies like Thailand. But Bangkok didn't understand the significance of claiming neutrality in a crisis of this scale.

"The Washington crowd saw this as a slap in the face," said Panitan Wattanayagorn, a leading Thai academic on international relations. 

"Principally, it might have been the right thing to do. But diplomatically, it unnecessarily created unwanted attention," Panitan added.

The premier, he said, had allowed public opinion to sway him while overlooking the national interest and what has been termed a "moral obligation" to help an ally.

Perhaps more than anybody the Thai Army understood the American psychology and needs at a time of crisis. Though obligated by treaty and memoranda of understanding to assist in times of trouble, the Thai top brass also knew Americans were merely looking for moral support to regain their confidence. The Thai Army, meanwhile, reached out to their American counterparts by promising to incorporate anti-terrorism in the annual Cobra Gold military exercise.

For those who threw their support behind Washington, it was time to make hay. The Philippines came from nowhere to become a "good friend", with promises of more military hardware to fight Muslim separatists, while Pakistan went from being on a number of watch lists to America's sweetheart.

China went from a "strategic competitor" to a "strategic partner" in a matter of days. To show that he meant business, Bush traveled to China. Though the occasion was the Apec summit, for the American president it was an opportunity to show the Chinese that a new spirit of partnership had been forged. 

"Bush had enough reasons to stay at home with the people, but the fact that he chose to go to Shanghai really said something about his determination to win Chinese support," said another Bangkok-based diplomat.

Russia also got the full red-carpet treatment, not to mention the famed Texas hospitality and home cooking, during President Vladimir Putin's recent visit to the US.

The irony of all this is that ever since the Bush team set foot in the White House, the hawks in the cabinet were set to play hardball with Beijing. 

Japan and Germany, meanwhile, went to great pains to show they were capable of taking the heat at home by coming out strongly in support of the US. Indonesia's President Megawati Sukarnoputri stood her ground, went against the public mood, and declared her support for the fight against global terrorism.

"All these countries saw there was a common ground and a new coalition came out of it," Panitan said.

And when Thailand started to change its tune, it was too little and too late. The window of opportunity is gone and it is very unlikely that Thaksin will be getting any special treatment unless, of course, he goes to Washington with something to offer.

In the official itinerary of his "working visit," there will be no 19- or 21-gun salute, no Rose Garden joint press conference, and no luncheon with Bush. The highlight of the trip will be a 40-minute meeting with selected Cabinet members from both sides. 

Thaksin supporters are quick to argue that Washington didn't care about the region when he came into office and that it wasn't until after September 11 that its attitude began to change. The premier had wanted to visit the US earlier in the year but was told to hold off until the Constitution Court verdict on his corruption charges. 

Also, there was the hostile foreign media which tried to paint the Thai premier as a "Thai Con", and as a man who entered politics to protect and enhance his business empire.

His critics, on the other hand, maintain the premier has a track record of getting himself into hot water. Among other things, they cited his famous Escap speech about the need for an Asian economic model, and his comment about the service on Thai Airways International, not to mention the wishy-washy stance on terrorism.

Nevertheless, in his upcoming trip to Washington, Thaksin will try hard to put Thailand back on the Americans' radar screen. What he says or does will shape Thai-US relations as redefined by the aftermath of September 11.

Taliban flees Kandahar with weapons

Seacoastonline

Don Pathan, Associated Press
December 7, 2001

JABAL SARAJ, Afghanistan — Aided by heavy U.S. bombing, opposition forces said they seized a district near Mazar-e-Sharif from Taliban forces Wednesday and were closing in on the key northern city.

Opposition troops took control of Shol Ghar district, about 30 miles from Mazar-e-Sharif, and some units were just eight miles south of the city, said northern alliance spokesman Ashraf Nadeem. The report could not be independently confirmed, and there was no Taliban comment.

The Taliban captured the city in 1998, and losing it would seriously weaken the Islamic militia's position in northern Afghanistan. The northern alliance said it captured several areas south of the city on Tuesday.

U.S. jets played a critical role in the opposition advance, targeting several pickup trucks packed with departing Taliban troops as well as hitting fortified positions, Nadeem said by satellite telephone.

U.S. warplanes also bombed behind Taliban positions on the Kabul front Wednesday. Witnesses said they heard no anti-aircraft fire from Taliban fighters, who have periodically tried to shoot down U.S. jets since the bombing began exactly a month ago.

American jets dropped dozens of bombs late Tuesday and throughout the day Wednesday around positions about 30 miles north of Kabul, the capital. Some explosions were followed by up to 30 smaller detonations.

One blast sent up a huge streak of gray smoke that spread into a white mushroom cloud. U.S. planes circled overhead.

An opposition commander, Qand Agha, 30, said a U.S. jet hit a Taliban tank northeast of Kabul and that a B-52 bomber dropped 20 bombs around the front line in one hour Wednesday afternoon.

"It is improving but it is not enough," Agha said of the bombing. "I would like to see the Americans drop at least 200 bombs a day."

Abdul Maaruf, a 17-year-old opposition fighter with blue, sparkling heart stickers decorating his Kalashnikov, said Taliban artillery fire had diminished in recent days, possibly because gunners were choosing to hold their fire.

"If they don't see any planes, they fire on us," Maaruf said. Taliban trucks have recently arrived with supplies, he said.

Agha said the Taliban were saving their ammunition, possibly expecting an opposition offensive. Four of his fighters watched the front from a rooftop lookout while the other dozen members of the unit played volleyball as the sun set over the plain.

A warmer spell was melting snow on the surrounding Hindu Kush mountains, and opposition fighters said trucks might be able to cross again soon, at least until the next snowfall. But they predicted the passes will snow over by the end of the month, choking off supply routes until spring.

In villages surrounding Jabal Saraj, fliers that witnesses said were jettisoned from a B-52 bomber tumbled from the sky. Children and adults scrambled to pick them up.

The fliers showed a picture of a radio and antenna, and detailed times and frequencies for radio broadcasts in the local Pashtun and Dari languages. The United States has been broadcasting anti-Taliban statements into Afghanistan.

The Taliban's Bakhtar News Agency said bombs north of Kabul, in the eastern city of Jalalabad and the western city of Herat on Tuesday and Wednesday killed at least 23 people and injured several dozen others. The report could not be independently confirmed, and the Pentagon has denied Taliban claims of widespread civilian casualties.

Bakhtar said that U.S. planes dropped food packets before launching bombing raids, but that angry residents burned the aid.

At the Pentagon, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld said Tuesday that an assessment of the opposition claims of gains outside Mazar-e-Sharif would have to wait until the "dust settled."

But after seesawing battles south of the city in recent weeks, the opposition said intense strikes by American planes had opened the way. The alliance had complained earlier that U.S. bombing was not heavy enough.

Nadeem said 500 Taliban soldiers had crossed over to the opposition side. The Taliban have previously denied reports of defections from its ranks.

The northern alliance's key Shiite Muslim commander, Mohammed Mohaqik, said Wednesday he wanted the assault on Mazar-e-Sharif to be carried out in a way that would minimize civilian casualties. Mazar-e-Sharif has a large Shiite Muslim population, although its majority is ethnic Tajik.

"We have to make plans over the next two days as to how to take Mazar-e-Sharif, to reduce the number of casualties," he said. "But it's a war, and with exchange of artillery fire and rockets, people will die."

The Pentagon has said small numbers of American special forces teams are working with northern alliance forces to train and equip them, provide them with additional ammunition and weaponry, and identify targets for U.S. strike aircraft.

But with winter is closing in, bad weather could choke off supply routes for troops. The Pentagon says it intends to start delivering cold-weather clothing to the northern alliance.

President Bush launched airstrikes against Afghanistan on Oct. 7 after the ruling Taliban militia refused to hand over Osama bin Laden for his alleged role in the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks on the United States.\

On Tuesday, Bush pledged "to keep relentless military pressure" on bin Laden and the Taliban, saying it is essential to keep terrorists from acquiring nuclear, chemical and biological weapons.

https://www.seacoastonline.com/story/news/2001/12/07/taliban-flees-kandahar-with-weapons/51296565007/

 

Afghnistan war: 'Northern Alliance needs US air strikes to make a dent in Taliban defence'

Though the Northern Alliance has arrayed its troops on the Shomali plains, it will depend on decisive US air strikes to make a dent in the Taliban defence.

Don Pathan
India Today

Bagram, Afghanistan

Sitting behind a sandbag on a rooftop watching Taliban soldiers just 500 metres away, an opposition Northern Alliance frontline commander, Major Khata, talks about the shortage of ammunition and the step up in American air strikes against the Taliban.

"If the American air strikes are adequate, then we won't need so much supplies," Khata says. Minutes later, US war jets roar over the Shomali plains, about 45 km north of Kabul, dropping 12 bombs in a period of one hour on Taliban positions just a kilometre from where Khata is sitting.

Though the strikes were far from what is commonly referred to by military men as "carpet bombing", US attacks in recent days have indeed intensified over previous weeks. By the middle of the week, US B-52 bombers were dropping the famed "daisy cutter" bombs that are among the most powerful conventional munitions of their kind.

It marked another major shift in the US bombing strategy. There seemed to be a new sense of urgency to get results before winter truly set in. America also seemed more open to coordinate its attacks with the Northern Alliance forces.

The coordination, which got off to a slow start, came about after last week's meeting between US Central Command chief General Tommy Franks and Northern Alliance Commander-in-Chief General Mohammad Fahim in Dushanbe.

Prior to his meeting with Franks, Fahim had met with Iranian leaders and Russian intelligence chiefs to secure continued diplomatic and military support from the two countries. Soon after, US Defence Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld noted in Washington that although there may be an "uneven degree of coordination" between the two sides, the communication linkage was improving and he knew "for a fact that in a number of cases the coordination is quite good".

If Rumsfeld gets his way, there is likely to be an increase of US Special Forces personnel in north Afghanistan, working with frontline commanders in pointing out targets for the American jets.

Currently, there are about 100-200 Special Forces personnel in the Alliance's area, facilitating the humanitarian and ammunition airdrops, as well as assessing the military situation on the ground.

Northern Alliance Foreign Minister Abdullah Abdullah called the number of US military officials on the opposition-held territory "modest" and dismissed suggestions that American ground troops would be fighting alongside the Alliance soldiers in the event of an all-out offensive against the Taliban.

Last week, as the US and the Alliance were jumping in bed with each other, preparations for a thorough offensive against Kabul were clearly under way.

A Northern alliance advance towards Kabul will face stiff resistance. The Taliban are well dug-in and any American support will be out of sync as the two sides speak different languages.

Tanks and track vehicles, including truck-mounted, multiple-barrel rocket launchers, were being mobilised around the Shomali plains from nearby Kapissa province, northeast of Kabul.

Construction work on a small airstrip in Gulbahar on the northeast end of the Shomali plains is near completion. With snow falling on the Hindu Kush, transporting goods and ammunitions from Tajikistan through the land route would be out of question in the coming weeks.

Also, this past week, about 1,000 soldiers from the Zaparti strike unit were ordered to move back to their post in the Shomali from the northern front along the Tajikistan border.

On the outskirts of the town of Charika, which last week came under rocket attacks that killed two and injured nearly 20 people, troops in fresh new uniform were seen carrying out military exercises-jumping out of flatbed trucks on the old road to Kabul and dodging horse buggies and mules as they rushed to take up positions under the close watch of their commander.

Abdullah has made it clear that advancing into Kabul will not depend on the political outcome of the ongoing dialogue between all parties concerned, including former king Mohammed Zahir Shah, looking to form an interim government in a post-Taliban Afghanistan.

In a show of force last week Burhanuddin Rabbani, the Alliance's president, reviewed several thousand troops as scores of foreign reporters looked on the parade field which was filled with shouts of "Allah hu akbar (God is great)".

As Rabbani gave his men a lengthy pep talk, troops in the formation broke rank and turned their heads to the south towards the Shomali plains to watch US jets taking out Taliban positions along the frontline.

But as the US intensifies its air war against Afghanistan and terrorists suspected to be loyal to Osama bin Laden, there is still a big question mark over whether the opposition can take on the Taliban and its foreign friends.

The Alliance's strength is estimated at about 15,000- 20,000 fighters. Its armour includes T-62 and T-55 main battle tanks, BMP 1 and BMP 2 armoured fighting vehicles, D-30 122-mm artillery pieces and a range of mobile truckmounted multiple-barrelled rocket launchers.

There are only two MI-35 Soviet-built attack helicopters and no fix-wing ground attack aircraft-the essential hardware needed to take out Taliban tanks and other armoured fighting vehicles that are heavily dug-in and camouflaged in the heart of the Shomali plains that sits in between the Alliance's stronghold in the Panjshir Valley and Kabul.

Abdullah says his men are in the highest state of readiness but frontline commanders complain of a lack of ammunition, fuel, food and the fact that their men receive their meagre $10 (Rs 480) monthly salary only once every six months.

Taliban troop strength has been estimated at about 40,000 fighters-including 10,000 Arabs, Pakistanis, Chechens, Uzbeks and other Muslim radicals from southeast Asia, all belonging to bin Laden's Al Qaida movement. Moreover, any advance towards Kabul is likely to face stiff resistance.

The Taliban are well dug-in; any air support from American jets is likely to be out of sync as the two sides do not speak the same language; and the mud houses and high walls around villages are likely to serve as obstacles for advancing ground units.

Up north-a week after experiencing a major set-back following what was billed as an ill-conceived military plan- the Alliance on Tuesday claimed to have made a considerable advance on the strategic northern city of Mazar-e-Sharif near the border with Uzbekistan after US jets cleared the way through intense bombing.

The claim could not be independently verified. Despite the renewed vigour in the assaults by both the US and the Northern Alliance, the siege of Afghanistan continues to be an uphill battle.

https://www.indiatoday.in/magazine/cover-story/story/20011119-afghnistan-war-northern-alliance-needs-us-air-strikes-to-make-a-dent-in-taliban-defence-774695-2001-11-19 

Waiting in hope

Though the Northern Alliance has arrayed its troops on the Shomali plains, it will depend on decisive US air strikes to make a dent in the Taliban defence.

Don Pathan
India Today

Afghanistan, November 19, 2001 | UPDATED 18:06 IST

Sitting behind a sandbag on a rooftop watching Taliban soldiers just 500 m away, an opposition Northern Alliance frontline commander, Major Khata, talks about the shortage of ammunition and the step up in American air strikes against the Taliban.

"If the American air strikes are adequate, then we won't need so much supplies," Khata says. Minutes later, US war jets roar over the Shomali plains, about 45 km north of Kabul, dropping 12 bombs in a period of one hour on Taliban positions just a kilometer from where Khata is sitting.

Though the strikes were far from what is commonly referred to by military men as "carpet bombing", US attacks in recent days have indeed intensified over previous weeks. By the middle of the week, US B-52 bombers were dropping the famed "daisy cutter" bombs that are among the most powerful conventional munitions of their kind.

It marked another major shift in the US bombing strategy. There seemed to be a new sense of urgency to get results before winter truly set in. America also seemed more open to coordinate its attacks with the Northern Alliance forces.

The coordination, which got off to a slow start, came about after last week's meeting between US Central Command chief General Tommy Franks and Northern Alliance Commander-in-Chief General Mohammad Fahim in Dushanbe.

Prior to his meeting with Franks, Fahim had met with Iranian leaders and Russian intelligence chiefs to secure continued diplomatic and military support from the two countries. Soon after, US Defence Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld noted in Washington that although there may be an "uneven degree of coordination" between the two sides, the communication linkage was improving and he knew "for a fact that in a number of cases the coordination is quite good".

If Rumsfeld gets his way, there is likely to be an increase of US Special Forces personnel in north Afghanistan, working with frontline commanders in pointing out targets for the American jets.

Currently, there are about 100-200 Special Forces personnel in the Alliance's area, facilitating the humanitarian and ammunition airdrops, as well as assessing the military situation on the ground.

Northern Alliance Foreign Minister Abdullah Abdullah called the number of US military officials on the opposition-held territory "modest" and dismissed suggestions that American ground troops would be fighting alongside the Alliance soldiers in the event of an all-out offensive against the Taliban.

Last week, as the US and the Alliance were jumping in bed with each other, preparations for a thorough offensive against Kabul were clearly under way. 

A Northern alliance advance towards Kabul will face stiff resistance. The Taliban are well dug-in and any American support will be out of sync as the two sides speak different languages.

Tanks and track vehicles, including truck-mounted, multiple-barrel rocket launchers, were being mobilised around the Shomali plains from nearby Kapissa province, northeast of Kabul.

Construction work on a small airstrip in Gulbahar on the northeast end of the Shomali plains is near completion. With snow falling on the Hindu Kush, transporting goods and ammunitions from Tajikistan through the land route would be out of question in the coming weeks.

Also, this past week, about 1,000 soldiers from the Zaparti strike unit were ordered to move back to their post in the Shomali from the northern front along the Tajikistan border.

On the outskirts of the town of Charika, which last week came under rocket attacks that killed two and injured nearly 20 people, troops in fresh new uniform were seen carrying out military exercises-jumping out of flatbed trucks on the old road to Kabul and dodging horse buggies and mules as they rushed to take up positions under the close watch of their commander.

Abdullah has made it clear that advancing into Kabul will not depend on the political outcome of the ongoing dialogue between all parties concerned, including former king Mohammed Zahir Shah, looking to form an interim government in a post-Taliban Afghanistan.

In a show of force last week Burhanuddin Rabbani, the Alliance's president, reviewed several thousand troops as scores of foreign reporters looked on the parade field which was filled with shouts of "Allah hu akbar (God is great)".

MISSION TIME: General Fahim Khan (centre) and Burhanuddin Rabbani (right) review Alliance troops in Jabal Saraj

As Rabbani gave his men a lengthy pep talk, troops in the formation broke rank and turned their heads to the south towards the Shomali plains to watch US jets taking out Taliban positions along the frontline.

But as the US intensifies its air war against Afghanistan and terrorists suspected to be loyal to Osama bin Laden, there is still a big question mark over whether the opposition can take on the Taliban and its foreign friends.

The Alliance's strength is estimated at about 15,000- 20,000 fighters. Its armour includes T-62 and T-55 main battle tanks, BMP 1 and BMP 2 armoured fighting vehicles, D-30 122-mm artillery pieces and a range of mobile truckmounted multiple-barrelled rocket launchers.

There are only two MI-35 Soviet-built attack helicopters and no fix-wing ground attack aircraft-the essential hardware needed to take out Taliban tanks and other armoured fighting vehicles that are heavily dug-in and camouflaged in the heart of the Shomali plains that sits in between the Alliance's stronghold in the Panjshir Valley and Kabul.

Abdullah says his men are in the highest state of readiness but frontline commanders complain of a lack of ammunition, fuel, food and the fact that their men receive their meagre $10 (Rs 480) monthly salary only once every six months.

Taliban troop strength has been estimated at about 40,000 fighters-including 10,000 Arabs, Pakistanis, Chechens, Uzbeks and other Muslim radicals from southeast Asia, all belonging to bin Laden's Al Qaida movement. Moreover, any advance towards Kabul is likely to face stiff resistance.

The Taliban are well dug-in; any air support from American jets is likely to be out of sync as the two sides do not speak the same language; and the mud houses and high walls around villages are likely to serve as obstacles for advancing ground units.

Up north-a week after experiencing a major set-back following what was billed as an ill-conceived military plan- the Alliance on Tuesday claimed to have made a considerable advance on the strategic northern city of Mazar-e-Sharif near the border with Uzbekistan after US jets cleared the way through intense bombing.

The claim could not be independently verified. Despite the renewed vigour in the assaults by both the US and the Northern Alliance, the siege of Afghanistan continues to be an uphill battle.

Waiting in hope

Though the Northern Alliance has arrayed its troops on the Shomali plains, it will depend on decisive US air strikes to make a dent in the Taliban defence.

Don Pathan
India Today

Afghanistan, November 19, 2001 | UPDATED 18:06 IST

Sitting behind a sandbag on a rooftop watching Taliban soldiers just 500 m away, an opposition Northern Alliance frontline commander, Major Khata, talks about the shortage of ammunition and the step up in American air strikes against the Taliban.

"If the American air strikes are adequate, then we won't need so much supplies," Khata says. Minutes later, US war jets roar over the Shomali plains, about 45 km north of Kabul, dropping 12 bombs in a period of one hour on Taliban positions just a kilometre from where Khata is sitting.

Though the strikes were far from what is commonly referred to by military men as "carpet bombing", US attacks in recent days have indeed intensified over previous weeks. By the middle of the week, US B-52 bombers were dropping the famed "daisy cutter" bombs that are among the most powerful conventional munitions of their kind.

It marked another major shift in the US bombing strategy. There seemed to be a new sense of urgency to get results before winter truly set in. America also seemed more open to coordinate its attacks with the Northern Alliance forces.

The coordination, which got off to a slow start, came about after last week's meeting between US Central Command chief General Tommy Franks and Northern Alliance Commander-in-Chief General Mohammad Fahim in Dushanbe.

Prior to his meeting with Franks, Fahim had met with Iranian leaders and Russian intelligence chiefs to secure continued diplomatic and military support from the two countries. Soon after, US Defence Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld noted in Washington that although there may be an "uneven degree of coordination" between the two sides, the communication linkage was improving and he knew "for a fact that in a number of cases the coordination is quite good".

If Rumsfeld gets his way, there is likely to be an increase of US Special Forces personnel in north Afghanistan, working with frontline commanders in pointing out targets for the American jets.

Currently, there are about 100-200 Special Forces personnel in the Alliance's area, facilitating the humanitarian and ammunition airdrops, as well as assessing the military situation on the ground.

Northern Alliance Foreign Minister Abdullah Abdullah called the number of US military officials on the opposition-held territory "modest" and dismissed suggestions that American ground troops would be fighting alongside the Alliance soldiers in the event of an all-out offensive against the Taliban.

Last week, as the US and the Alliance were jumping in bed with each other, preparations for a thorough offensive against Kabul were clearly under way. 

A Northern alliance advance towards Kabul will face stiff resistance. The Taliban are well dug-in and any American support will be out of sync as the two sides speak different languages.

Tanks and track vehicles, including truck-mounted, multiple-barrel rocket launchers, were being mobilised around the Shomali plains from nearby Kapissa province, northeast of Kabul.

Construction work on a small airstrip in Gulbahar on the northeast end of the Shomali plains is near completion. With snow falling on the Hindu Kush, transporting goods and ammunitions from Tajikistan through the land route would be out of question in the coming weeks.

Also, this past week, about 1,000 soldiers from the Zaparti strike unit were ordered to move back to their post in the Shomali from the northern front along the Tajikistan border.

On the outskirts of the town of Charika, which last week came under rocket attacks that killed two and injured nearly 20 people, troops in fresh new uniform were seen carrying out military exercises-jumping out of flatbed trucks on the old road to Kabul and dodging horse buggies and mules as they rushed to take up positions under the close watch of their commander.

Abdullah has made it clear that advancing into Kabul will not depend on the political outcome of the ongoing dialogue between all parties concerned, including former king Mohammed Zahir Shah, looking to form an interim government in a post-Taliban Afghanistan.

In a show of force last week Burhanuddin Rabbani, the Alliance's president, reviewed several thousand troops as scores of foreign reporters looked on the parade field which was filled with shouts of "Allah hu akbar (God is great)".

MISSION TIME: General Fahim Khan (centre) and Burhanuddin Rabbani (right) review Alliance troops in Jabal Saraj

As Rabbani gave his men a lengthy pep talk, troops in the formation broke rank and turned their heads to the south towards the Shomali plains to watch US jets taking out Taliban positions along the frontline.

But as the US intensifies its air war against Afghanistan and terrorists suspected to be loyal to Osama bin Laden, there is still a big question mark over whether the opposition can take on the Taliban and its foreign friends.

The Alliance's strength is estimated at about 15,000- 20,000 fighters. Its armour includes T-62 and T-55 main battle tanks, BMP 1 and BMP 2 armoured fighting vehicles, D-30 122-mm artillery pieces and a range of mobile truckmounted multiple-barrelled rocket launchers.

There are only two MI-35 Soviet-built attack helicopters and no fix-wing ground attack aircraft-the essential hardware needed to take out Taliban tanks and other armoured fighting vehicles that are heavily dug-in and camouflaged in the heart of the Shomali plains that sits in between the Alliance's stronghold in the Panjshir Valley and Kabul.

Abdullah says his men are in the highest state of readiness but frontline commanders complain of a lack of ammunition, fuel, food and the fact that their men receive their meagre $10 (Rs 480) monthly salary only once every six months.

Taliban troop strength has been estimated at about 40,000 fighters-including 10,000 Arabs, Pakistanis, Chechens, Uzbeks and other Muslim radicals from southeast Asia, all belonging to bin Laden's Al Qaida movement. Moreover, any advance towards Kabul is likely to face stiff resistance.

The Taliban are well dug-in; any air support from American jets is likely to be out of sync as the two sides do not speak the same language; and the mud houses and high walls around villages are likely to serve as obstacles for advancing ground units.

Up north-a week after experiencing a major set-back following what was billed as an ill-conceived military plan- the Alliance on Tuesday claimed to have made a considerable advance on the strategic northern city of Mazar-e-Sharif near the border with Uzbekistan after US jets cleared the way through intense bombing.

The claim could not be independently verified. Despite the renewed vigour in the assaults by both the US and the Northern Alliance, the siege of Afghanistan continues to be an uphill battle.

Northern alliance forces closing in on key Afghan cit

Aspen Daily News, Volume 24, Number 131, 

November 8, 2001

 

Northern alliance forces closing in on key Afghan city

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