Tuesday, 28 July 1998

Muslim Bombings Trouble Thailand

 Don Pathan
The Associated Press

PATTANI, Thailand (AP) _ A wave of bombings deep in southern Thailand has jolted a government preoccupied with Asia’s economic crisis into focusing on an older problem _ trouble in Muslim areas.

Bombs have been planted at train stations, police buildings and roadblocks since early December. Explosions have killed four people and injured scores, and threatened to fan new tensions between the nation’s Muslim minority and Buddhist majority.

They have also opened old wounds with Malaysia, which borders Thailand’s southernmost provinces and has been accused of training and harboring Muslim separatists in the past. The population in the Thai provinces is overwhelmingly ethnic Malay and Muslim.

But Muslim leaders and some national politicians say the recent violence has less to do with separatist feelings than with a rise in drug-trafficking across the border, jockeying by political parties and turf battles between civil servants.

Ismae-ae Alee, director of the College of Islamic Studies at Prince of Songkla in Pattani, 650 miles south of Bangkok, said that authorities have always been quick to raise the specter of separatism as a scapegoat for other problems.

``The movement is finished,″ said Isma-ae. ``Whatever’s left of it does not have the support of the people here.″

The southern provinces were annexed at the turn of the century by Siam, as Thailand was known, from the fringes of British-ruled Malaya.

Relations soured in later decades when governments in Bangkok imposed policies forcing all ethnic groups to adopt the Thai language and culture and, by implication, Buddhism. Muslims were encouraged to make their pilgrimage to the royal palace in Bangkok instead of Mecca in Saudi Arabia, Islam’s holiest site.

Armed resistence came in 1968 with the establishment of the Pattani United Liberation Organization. The group operated alongside Thai communists in insurgencies that lasted into the 1980s.

But in the past decade, PULO has been largely moribund. Bangkok bought peace by spending lavishly on infrastructure and development in the south and providing financial support to traditional Islamic schools, the preferred choice of most families in the region.

Southern Thailand has a distinctly different look from the north. Virtually all women wear traditional head scarves and veils, and Arabic script on storefronts and mosques coexists with the Thai language used on official buildings. Most people speak Malay.

Though Thailand’s oft-tense relations with Malaysia have improved enormously in recent years, the Thais have never been pleased with what they see as foot-dragging by the Malaysians on turning over wanted terrorism suspects.

Thai Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai blamed the recent bombings on separatists operating out of Kalatan, the Malaysian state across the border. Chuan says they are using young drug addicts to carry out the bombings.

Malaysia and six Muslim separatist groups, including PULO, have denied the allegations.

Divisions between the Thai security forces have given ammunition to critics who say other interests besides those of a misplaced Islam are at work.

Lack of cooperation between army and police is cited as one reason why authorities have yet to determine who was responsible for the torching of 40 schools in the Muslim south two years ago.

Burhanuddin Useng of the Wadah group, a Muslim faction in the opposition New Aspiration Party, blamed the bombings on corrupt bureaucrats and powerful figures fighting for control of drug trafficking, gambling and prostitution.

Burhanuddin claimed that a number of heroin and amphetamine laboratories have relocated from the infamous Golden Triangle in northern Thailand to the south over the past year.

Some corrupt police officers are involved in the trade, Burhanuddin said, and the area is becoming a popular transit point for drugs.

Sen. Aziz bin Hawan echoed the accusations, saying scores of police officers have turned down promotion and reassignment to other regions to stay in the south and benefit from illegal trade.

Ananchai Thaipratan, director of a local drug-addict rehabilitation group, said the number of heroin addicts in the four provinces has exploded some 30 percent over the past three years.

Local disputes have important ramifications for Chuan’s coalition government, which took over in November with a slight parliamentary majority to grapple with the economic crisis rocking Thailand and several other Asian countries.

The strongholds of Chuan’s Democrat Party are Bangkok, the capital, and the south, but the Democrats are facing an increasing challenge in the Muslim provinces from the Wadah group.

Though no one accuses the Democrats of staging the bombings, the party is widely seen as exploiting them to reshuffle bureaucrats in the region that could help its chances in the next election.


Sunday, 29 March 1998

KNU Destroyed DKBA's Headquartes

DON PATHAN
The Associated Press 

BANGKOK, Thailand (AP) - Ethnic Karen guerrillas in Myanmar destroyed the headquarters of a rival group allied with the country's military government, a spokesman for the group said Saturday. 

Guerrillas belonging to the Karen National Union destroyed their rival's headquarters about 100 miles east of Myanmar's capital, Yangon, the group's spokesman, Ner Dah, said in a telephone interview. 

The attacks against the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army were mounted in revenge for a series of cross-border raids by pro-government forces against refugee camps in Thailand. The Democratic Karen Buddhist Army crossed the border from bases in Myanmar repeatedly this month, burning down two camps and firing mortars at another.

Thailand protested to the Myanmar government over the refugee camp attacks and threatened retaliation against intruders. The military government of Myanmar, also known as Burma, denied responsibility. 

In Thursday's raid, as many as 15 people, including some civilians, originally were reported killed and 20 were reported injured. Ner Dah said 70 enemy troops were killed. 

``There may have been some civilians killed, but it is not our intention,'' Ner Dah said. ``The four sites that we attacked were military posts.'' 

The Myanmar government said in a statement Friday that seven women and one man died in the Thursday raid. It said the intruders used heavy weapons and burned down houses. 

Most of the 100,000 refugees from Myanmar seeking shelter in Thailand are from the Karen minority. The majority support the Karen National Union, which has fought for more Karen autonomy for 50 years. 


Sunday, 6 August 1995

PITFALLS FACING THE NATIONS RUSHING IN WITH AID

Don Pathan
The Nation

When the Japanese stopped giving aid to Burma in 1988 in deference to its Western allies' dicision to isolate the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) from the world community, rangoon's junta knew they were in for tough times. 

Slorc has since had its hands full containing the country's ethnic minorities fighting for autonomy yet they have still managed to strengthen their grip on power despite constant criticism from foreign governments and condemnation from international human rights groups for the arbitrary detention of Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other political activists. 

On July 10, Slorc stunned the international community by releasing Suu Kyi, who had been under house arrest for nearly six years. The news was doubly surprising as Slorc intelligence chief Lt Gen Khin Nyunt had slammed the West just a week before for hypocrisy and double standard of human rights. 

"The rights of 45 million people in the country are more important than the rights of an individual," said the defiant general. 

Whatever Slorc's reasons for releasing Suu Kyi, the ruling junta must have been certain the action would serve their interests and be worth the accompanying political instability. Most analysts agree that Slorc must feel capable of handling any challenges that may come with Suu Kyi's release. 

Some also suggested that Burma may be making overtures to join the Assciation of South East Asian Nations, which stuck its neck out for Burma against the Western political community and human rights organizations. 

Other believe Japan worked behind the scenes for Suu Kyi's release. Shortly after she was freed, Japan's foreign ministry released a statement calling the event "an important step towards the democratization of Burma". 

A Rangoon based Western diplomat emphasized that Japan's business community made no attempt to hide their disappointment with Tokyo's decision to halt Burmese aid in 1988 with no economic sanctions between the countries and Burma's political instability, most Japanese businesses felt compelled to pull out of Burma. 

Japanese investors were irked when other countries took advantage of Japanese inactivity by cutting deals with Slorc to exploit the country's vast natural wealth. "Before 1988, there were no Koreans, Thais or Singaporeans investing in Burma," said the foreign diplomat. "It was exclusively Japan's turf." 

Indeed, a change in Japan's attitude was apparent in March this year when Tokyo pledged Y 1 billion ($11.5 million) in "humanitarian assistance" to Burma. Moreover, two months later a Y4 billion debt-relief grant was arranged despite the West's continued negative response. 

During a recent news conference after a meeting between Asean and its dialogue partners, which include the US, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the European Union, Japanese Foreign Minister Yohei Kono said he was "encouraged" by the increasing number of political prisoners being released in Burma. 

He also noted that Suu Kyi's release was not due to pressure from the international community. "We don't believe that the release of Aung San Suu Kyi was brought about by the continued isolation of Burma from the international community," he said. Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas was quick to credit Suu Kyi's release to Asean's constructive engagement policy. He was echoed almost immediately by foreign ministers from Asean, who stressed the efficacy of constructive engagement which has been criticized by the international community as a thinly disguised scheme to protect Asean's business interests with Slorc.

Constructive engagement calls for a constant, low-key dialogue with Rangoon, continued investment and trade, and the non-imposition of sanctions. Such a policy, Asean argued, would eventually take Burma out of its self-imposed isolation and bring its government in line with the international norms of the world community. 

But while Asena is quick to pat itself on the back, Suu Kyi questioned the policy's effectiveness. She also asked foreign governments to wait before rushing in with aid. 

"The question is, for whom has [constructive engagement] been constructive? Was it constructive for the forces of democracy? Was it constructive for the Burmese people in general? Was it constructive for limited business community? Or was it constructive for Slorc" she asked.