Thai Deep South Rebels Strike Again During Ramadan

Don Pathan and Artef Sohko
Yala, Thailand

For the past 13 years, insurgents in Thailand’s Deep South have launched major attacks during Ramadan. They’ve done this to remind security forces of an alleged crime that occurred when the Islamic holy month, which follows a lunar cycle, fell in October 2004: the Tak Bai massacre.

File Photo: Roadside bombing in Narathiwat. CHAIWAT PUMPUANG

Army and police units allegedly opened fire on unarmed Patani Malay demonstrators in the Tak Bai district of Narathiwat province, killing seven. Another 78 protesters died from suffocation after they were stacked one on top another in military transport trucks.

This year Ramadan-time attacks started a little early, on May 20, when multiple ATMs were bombed simultaneously about half an hour after Muslims broke fast and the streets were empty.

The attacks were carried out in at least 14 locations in four southern provinces, Yala, Narathiwat, Pattani, and Songkhla. Most of the blasts took place meters from military checkpoints, thus adding to the humiliation of the troops.


Sending a message

Violence in Thailand’s Malay-speaking and predominantly Muslim Deep South is political in nature. It’s a form of communicative action.

In many places around the world, video cameras and social media are often used to send out a message behind an attack. Often, the intended audiences are policymakers and the general public, who may be halfway around the world.

On the other hand, the audience for the insurgency in Thailand’s Deep South is still pretty much confined to the security forces and the agency bosses. It’s a form of deadly messaging between two warring sides.

What goes into public space, including social media, doesn’t always reflect the reality on the ground.

Unlike other insurgent groups in Southeast Asia, Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN), the one longstanding group that controls virtually all of the rebels in the Thai Deep South, does not have an identifiable spokesman who can verify incidents on the ground.

This makes it much more difficult for academics and researchers to map the violence in this conflict.

Public statements come “once in a blue moon” and, usually, it is a one-way street, meaning reporters cannot ask thorough questions.

The narratives and explanations of incidents are provided by a government spokesman, but it doesn’t mean that the public living in this historically contested region believe them.

As residents of this region, where political violence comes in waves, Muslims and Buddhists have come to terms with things such as pro-government death squads who have no qualms about shooting indiscriminately into a tea shop full of villagers; or a gunman pumping two bullets at close range into the back of a person’s head because he or she was a government informant.

In one instance, a roadside bomb aimed at an incoming military patrol also claimed the lives of innocent bystanders who happened to be at the wrong place at the wrong time.

Islamic leader gunned down

Many understand that this violence is political in nature. For those who’ve lost a loved one, no explanation could ever help overcome the personal tragedy.

Just days ago, the deputy chairman of the Islamic Committee of Pattani, Aduldej Chenae, was shot dead by a gunman at close range. Like the killings of top figures in the region, his murder generated all sorts of theories and motives.

Was he killed because of personal reasons? Or because he was too involved in the Safety Zone, a yet to be implemented ceasefire between the Thai government and a network of a longstanding separatist group called MARA Patani? Nobody seems to know the answer.

Nevertheless, Aduldej’s death raised the issue of the personal safety of individuals who are involved in conflict resolution. It is tempting to suggest that BRN, whose ruling council does not endorse the talks, had a motive to assassinate him.

Longtime observers of the conflict also pointed to the senseless killings of other high-profile figures. These included the fatal shooting of Waesumae Sudden in September 2014.

Like Aduldej, Ustaz Mae was also a resident of Saiburi district in Pattani province.

The Thai Army claimed it had been working closely with the two men to lay down the foundation for what would be official “Track 1” talks between the government and MARA Patani.

As expected, fingers were pointing back and forth. The BRN and Thai military accused each other of ordering the killings.

Ustaz Mae, as he was known to the locals, was said to be the acting secretary-general of the Dewan Pimpinan Parti (DPP), the ruling council of the BRN.

Some said he was removed from his post for helping the Thai government with its peace initiative.

Three months prior to the launching of the peace talks with the government of then-Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra in February 2013, a village imam, Abdullateh Todir, was killed in Yala’s Yaha district.

Abdullateh was a resident of Tambon Patae, an extremely “red” area.

Being an imam in Patae, one would have to be blind not to know the insurgents in the area, one security official reasoned. This made the imam a good candidate to act as a go-between, said the officer, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

But somebody felt he was too close to the insurgents and, therefore, he had to be “eliminated.” His death set off a series of vicious retaliation that lasted six weeks.

Abdullateh’s death also drove a wedge between security forces and the Islamic committees in the provinces of the Deep South. Abdullateh was a member of the Islamic Committee of Yala.

In the end, when the Yingluck peace talks were launched, none of these Islamic committees would endorse the initiative.

It is important to note that not all Thai security agencies sing to the same sheet music. Disagreement is rife on all sorts of issues, such as the official negotiation itself.

Indeed, there are many sectors in Thai society and state agencies that are turned off by the idea of top officials sitting and talking to Patani Malays, whom they consider to be criminals, more or less.

Targeted killings in this restive region are all too common. But they hardly ever solve the immediate problem. Often, these killings become part of the narratives promoted by the warring sides and stakeholders of the conflict.

Don Pathan is a Thailand-based security and development consultant for international organizations. Artef Sohko is the chairman of The Patani, a civil society organization dedicated to critical discussion on the conflict in Thailand's Deep South. The opinions expressed in this commentary are those of the authors and not of BenarNews.

This version revises an earlier headline that referred to the killing of Aduldej Chenae, the deputy chairman of the Islamic Committee of Pattani.

Why the Safety Zone concept has failed to secure peace in South

PART I

By Don Pathan
Special to The Nation 

Part one of a two-part series

Deep down inside, all sides knew that the “Safety Zone” pilot project in Thailand’s South wasn’t much to brag about.

But since neither side has nothing to show after talking to one another for nearly three years, the pilot project all of a sudden became important.

For the current junta, the Safety Zone would be their legacy, a shaky foundation for the next government to continue its work to resolve the conflict and insurgency in the Muslim-majority, 
Malay-speaking South. The two sides – MARA Patani and the Dialogue Panel – spent a great deal of time polishing and fine-tuning the Safety Zone idea, but forgot the big picture – one that talked about how the Malays of Patani can reconcile their differences with the predominantly Buddhist Thai state.

Soldier on foot patrol passing by school children in Pattani. Photo by Chaiwat Pumpuang

Political leaders were so eager to reduce or end insurgency violence in this historically contested region, they thought it best to focus their energy on reducing the attacks (and not much else). So far, the number of violent incidents has gone down dramatically. Naturally, the military has no qualms about taking credit for that.

Instead of examining the historical grievances of the Malays of Patani, Thai policymakers focus their energy on getting the Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN) to join MARA Patani at the negotiating table.

Many are pinning their hopes on Malaysia, the designated facilitator, to obtain BRN endorsement for the talks. But there is no indication that the BRN – the long-standing separatist movement that surfaced in the 1960s, will join the official track and sit with MARA Patani. Today, BRN controls virtually all of the militants on the ground.

Members said the leadership is not in a hurry to come to the negotiating table. BRN will only do so if their negotiators are properly trained and that the process is mediated by members of the international community, preferably countries with a strong record in conflict resolution.

Thailand and MARA Patani, meanwhile, are still bogged down with their own creation, Safety Zone, a pilot project where a ceasefire is supposed to be observed in a designated district.

Since MARA Patani doesn’t control the insurgents, the facilitator, Malaysia, had to ask BRN to observe the situation as well. After several rounds of discussions, technical officials on the two sides agreed on Joh I Rong district in Narathiwat.

MARA Patani was expecting to see a formal launch and signing ceremony of the “agreement” designating the zone. But the Thai technical officials said there was no need to ink anything because the process was still a “confidence-building measure”.

Work together

In a public statement dated May 23, MARA Patani’s spokesman insisted that signing the agreement was necessary because “it involves certain sensitive issues like legal, security and safety protection for its members who will participate in the SZ exercise”.

“Without signing the document there is no guarantee for them,” said Abu Hafez Al-Hakim.  

There was also the transfer of three prisoners to a holding centre in the vicinity of the Safe House, a co-working space where representatives from both sides will work together to observe the pilot project.

The refusal to ink the negotiated text was not the only reason that irked MARA Patani. Members of the umbrella organisation felt humiliated when Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha and Defence Minister Prawit Wongsuwan stole their thunder when they stated casually, without any fanfare, what was supposed to be a breakthrough in the dialogue process. It was not exactly what MARA Patani had in mind.

MARA Patani was hoping for a more formal announcement to reflect the importance of what it considered a breakthrough of sorts.

Already furious at the treatment from the Thai prime minister and his security tsar, MARA Patani came to the April 25 meeting determined to salvage its dignity by demanding that the Thai side sign the agreement. And when the Thai delegation refused, everything came to a halt.

“In my opinion, the much-awaited implementation of the Safety Zones will have to wait, at least for two reasons: First, until both parties can agree on the dispute over the document-signing issue, the implementation of the SZ will be put on hold. Secondly, the facilitator, Mr Zamzamin (Dato Ahmad Zamzamin bin Hashim), was exclusively appointed by (Prime Minister) Najib Razak on a contract basis that expires in February 2019,” Abu Hafez said.

PART II

Will electoral earthquakes free blocked peace in South?  

June 9, 2018
By Don Pathan

Special to The Nation

In a gesture to MARA Patani that all is not lost, Army Commander-in-chief General Chalermchai Sitthisart visited security checkpoints in Joh I Rong district on June 1. He was there to provide moral support to troops responsible for implementing the Safety Zone, Thai military officials said.

In spite of hiccups plaguing the pilot project, Thailand is still committed to this peace initiative – at least that was the message Chalermchai was sending out to MARA Patani and the world.

Thai officials at the policy level say they have been informed by the Malaysian facilitator that leaders of the separatist Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN) have agreed to respect the Safety Zone ceasefire if and when the district is officially designated. No timeline was agreed upon, however.

Bangkok sees this as a gesture of goodwill from senior members of the BRN ruling council to the facilitator Dato Ahmad Zamzamin bin Hashim. The assurance is said to have been made last year at a meeting in which Zamzamin tried to convince BRN representatives to join the peace initiative being led by MARA Patani. Needless to say, the BRN declined the invitation.

Given the fluidity of the BRN chain-of-command, not to mention that their command-and-control from the very top to the cell level is untested, such an agreement will be difficult to manage, says a Thai military official working on the region.

The BRN is extremely bottom-heavy, with decisions to launch attacks made mainly at the local level.

For the combatants, it is a matter of grasping opportunity as it comes, usually employing roadside bombs to attack security units patrolling on foot or vehicles, followed by a brief gunfight. The strategic aim is for a “clean hit” without collateral damage. Government security officials are more or less sitting ducks, waiting to return fire.

As for the talks with MARA Patani, it is not clear how long Bangkok will continue on a course that some officials describe as a “vicious cycle”. So far, whenever Thai negotiators and MARA Patani have hailed “progress”, BRN operatives on the ground have carried out attacks to discredit the claims.

The BRN say the Safety Zone project will not change their strategy, which is to make the area ungovernable by attacking and discrediting government security apparatus.

The bombing blitz in the far South that hit more than 20 ATM machines on May 20 was a reminder to Thai authorities that the BRN is still a force to be reckoned with. The bombs were shrapnel-free devices detonated in almost deserted streets half an hour after people had broken their Ramadan fast. All the bombings were carried out in the heart of cities and, in most cases, just metres away from security checkpoints.

Local opinion was that the simultaneous attacks came in response to a dispute between teachers and a group of Muslim parents at the Anuban Pattani School over the banning of the Islamic headscarf for Muslim students.

But rebel sources deny this. They point out that traditionally at least one high-profile attack is conducted during the month of Ramadan, to remind the Thai government that the 2004 Tak Bai massacre of 78 unarmed Malay Muslim demonstrators – who suffocated after being stacked one atop the other in the back of military transport tracks – has not been forgotten. Seven were also shot dead at the protest site. 

Less than a week prior to the blitz, exactly one day before the start of Ramadan, separatist militants attacked four military outposts and a police station in Yala province’s Krong Pinang and Yaha districts. 

The overall number of attacks may have dropped over the past decade, but the militants continue to send a message that they are willing an able to carry on the fight with the same intensity as when this wave of insurgency surfaced 14 years ago.

Stakeholders in this peace initiative are now waiting anxiously to see Kuala Lumpur’s next move. Many observers believe Malaysia’s Zamzamin, the designated facilitator, will be replaced as he is deemed too close to former prime minister Najib Razak.

For the BRN, it doesn’t matter whether Zamzamin stays or goes. They see themselves as the most important players because they control the course of insurgency violence and thus any peace negotiations will have to be with them. The unfortunate part for Thai authorities is that the BRN is not in a hurry to come to the negotiating table.

How long Thailand will ride this roller-coaster with MARA Patani remains unclear. But a growing number of Thai officials believe the upcoming election in Thailand, which could be as early as February, along with major changes in Malaysia’s political landscape, means serious soul-searching is in order for the peace initiative for the far South. Whether that means internationalising the process, on the other hand, remains to be seen.

Don Pathan is a freelance consultant and founding member of the Patani Forum (www.pataniforum.com), a civil society organisation dedicated to critical discussion on the conflict in Thailand’s far South.

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/detail/opinion/30347326

In Goodwill Move, BRN Rebels Halt Violence in Deep South District

Commentary by Don Pathan
BenarNews
Yala, Thailand
June 4, 2018

Last Friday, Thai Army Commander-in-chief Gen. Chalermchai Sitthisart visited security checkpoints in Cho I-rong, a district in Narathiwat province designated as the site of a potential “Safety Zone,” or limited ceasefire, in the insurgency-stricken region known as the Deep South.

He reportedly was there to provide moral support to troops who would be on the ground during the implementation of the Safety Zone, a pilot project yet to be implemented but that was agreed upon by a so-called Dialogue Panel of government negotiators and MARA Patani, an umbrella organization of long-standing Patani Malay separatist organizations.

Armed separatist insurgency in Thailand’s far South surfaced in the 1960s and went under in the late 1980s. The conflict resurfaced again in mid-2001 but wasn’t officially acknowledged until Jan. 4, 2004, when scores of insurgents raided an army battalion in Narathiwat and made off with more than 300 weapons.

The one group that dominates the scene on the ground today is the Barisan Revolusi Nasional, the BRN or National Revolutionary Front, which controls virtually all of the insurgents in the Deep South.

BRN refuses to endorse the ongoing talks between Thailand and MARA Patani. Their members said any negotiation would have to be mediated by members of the international community and in line with international best practices.

But, as a gesture of goodwill to the stakeholders of this peace initiative, BRN said it would observe the ceasefire in Cho I-rong district and weeks have passed since its fighters stopped committing acts of violence as a manifestation of this gesture.

“We have been told to refrain from carrying out attacks in Cho I-rong district,” said a BRN source on the ground.

So far, BRN members have kept their word. But it doesn’t mean they have to end their campaign of violent attacks in other parts of this historically contested region. There are nearly 40 districts in the Deep South, where nearly 7,000 people have been killed from insurgency-related violence since January 2004.

Still committed to peace process

Chalermchai’s visit to Cho I-rong was symbolic. According to one senior military officer who monitors the conflict and the peace talks, it was a message to MARA Patani that Thailand was still committed to this peace initiative in spite of the absence of BRN’s endorsement and participation.

Bangkok understands full well that MARA Patani was upset at Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-o-cha for jumping the gun when he announced that Cho I-rong had been designated as the district to come under the Safety Zone.

The rebels were hoping for a more formal announcement to reflect the importance of what they considered a breakthrough of sorts.

It was not clear if Prayuth had breached the protocol on purpose or that he wasn’t thinking. Regardless, Bangkok never liked the idea of giving MARA Patani or any other separatist entity from the Malay-speaking South any kind of legitimacy or recognition if it didn’t have to. The fact that the government has sent a team of negotiators to meet with them is all the legitimacy they are going to get.

For the BRN, Safety Zone or not, it’s business as usual. Exactly one day before the start of Ramadan, separatist militants attacked four military outposts and one police station in Yala province’s Krong Pinang and Yaha districts.

Less than a week later, on May 20, BRN militants set off a string of simultaneous bombs at more than 20 ATM machines across the region. The bombs were small and shrapnel was not used. They were not powerful enough to blast the steel cover open. But cash or casualties didn’t seem to be their aim.

All the bombings were carried out in downtown areas and, in most cases, just meters away from government’s security checkpoints. The explosions were set off simultaneously, about half an hour after sunset when Muslims broke their daily fast and the streets were mostly clear.

Many observers rushed to the conclusion that the attacks were in response to a dispute between teachers and a group of Muslim parents at the Anuban Pattani (Elementary) School over a ban on the hijab, or Islamic headscarf, for Muslim students.

But rebel sources said the attacks were a reminder to the Thai government that they hadn’t forgotten about the 2004 Tak Bai massacre, when 78 unarmed Malay Muslims demonstrators died from suffocation after they were stacked one on top another in the back of military transport tracks. Seven were shot dead at the protest site.

The incident took place on October of that year and it was during Ramadan, an Islamic holy month that follows the lunar calendar. Needless to say, the incident radicalized a new generation of separatist militants and became part of the insurgent’s narrative.

What now for Zamzamin?

Meanwhile in Malaysia, Thailand and elsewhere, stakeholders of this peace initiative are waiting anxiously to see Kuala Lumpur’s next move.

Many believe that Ahmad Zamzamin bin Hashim, the designated facilitator of the current official peace process, will be replaced following last month’s change of governments in Malaysia. Zamzamin was deemed too close to former Prime Minister Najib Razak.

BRN sources said it wouldn’t matter if Zamzamin stayed or left because the foundation of this peace initiative had never been sound. Besides the fact that the most important player is not at the table, Thailand has never been interested in addressing the root cause of the conflict.

BRN sources said their leaders wouldn’t even consider negotiating with the Thais until their own negotiators and political wing were properly trained and prepared.

Some in the Thai policy circles believe that “internationalizing” the process should be considered if it means BRN participation. But if Gen. Aksara Kerdpol remains as chief negotiator for Thailand, and Zamzamin stays on as the designated facilitator, one can be certain that BRN will continue to resist being involved in the peace talks.

Don Pathan is a Thailand-based security and development consultant for international organizations. The opinions expressed in this commentary are those of the author and not of BenarNews.

https://www.benarnews.org/english/commentaries/far-south-view/violence-halt-06042018142131.html

Injection of international norms crucial to far South talks

May 19, 2018

By Don Pathan
SPECIAL TO THE NATION
Krong Pinang, Yala

But Thai military’s fear of scrutiny is blocking the path to peace  

Sergeant Chaiwat (not his real name) wondered out loud, with a hint of sarcasm, why violence in Thailand’s southernmost provinces hasn’t subsided in spite of the fact that the country’s leaders – who he called “the bosses” – have been engaging in talks with the rebels for as long as he could remember.

He had reason to be agitated; his operational area was put on high alert on Tuesday after insurgents carried out simultaneous pre-dawn attacks against one police station and four military outposts. “Ramadan starts tomorrow and the militants probably want to let off some steam before they observe the holy month,” Chaiwat said. “But it doesn’t mean they don’t carry out attacks during Ramadan. They’re just not as frequent and intense.”

Thai military officials examine the scene of an attack by suspected separatist militants in Yala on Tuesday.

Like many security officials on the front line in this historically contested region, where Muslim militants have taken up arms against the Thai state to carve out a separate state for the local Malays, Chaiwat is wondering if the “bosses” are talking to the right people. While peace negotiations are something way above his pay grade, Chaiwat said he feels a strong disconnect between the policy level and the actual security operations.

Chaiwat said he is confused over a number of things, including the so-called Safety Zone pilot project under the directive of Aksara Kherdphol, a retired army general who is also leading a team of negotiators – the so-called Dialogue Panel – at the table with MARA Patani, an umbrella organisation made up of several longstanding Patani Malay separatist movements.

Chaiwat said he is just as puzzled at the war of words between Aksara and the commander of the Fourth Army Area, Lt-General Piyawat Nakwanich, who is in charge of day-to-day security in the far South. The two men don’t see eye-to-eye, said security officials in Bangkok, pointing to a turf war and inter-agency rivalries.

Aksara, who sits in Bangkok, has been working hard on his Safety Zone, a pilot project in which both warring sides must observe a ceasefire in a designated district. The project comes with a “Safe House” where representatives from both sides are to sit and work together on various issues, including monitoring the Safe Zone itself. Piyawat, who lives in the conflict-affected region under heavy guard, was quick to dismiss the Dialogue Panel’s initiative, saying, “I’ve got 14 Safety Zones of my own.”

One Bangkok-based security official commented: “Instead of talking it over, they go the media to discredit one another,” adding that when they finally meet for lunch in Bangkok, the damage has already been done. Further complicating discussions, civic groups in the far South have been calling on the separatist militants and Thai forces to respect “Safe Spaces” – designated public areas such as market and school they say should be demilitarised.

Like many observers of this conflict, Chaiwat is not really sure what the fuss is about. After all, victory is still nowhere in sight. The number of insurgent attacks may have dropped sharply since 2007, but the militants have demonstrated that they still have the capability to hit government targets, Chaiwat said. On Tuesday militants with machine guns and grenade launchers attacked five military and police positions in Krong Pinang and nearby Yaha district.  An unregistered drone had been spotted just days earlier hovering over one of the targets, a Ranger outpost.

Needless to say, the ongoing violence and the “spitting contest” between the two top brasses do nothing to help the argument that Thailand is moving in the right direction. In fact, peace talks have hit a snag because MARA Patani felt insulted by Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha for “jumping the gun” by announcing the much-hyped Safety Zone.

MARA Patani was expecting a more formal launch after what they considered a “breakthrough”, in spite of the fact that the Safety Zone is not considered a game-changer in the overall scheme of things. Realising his boss had committed a blunder, Aksara went into damage-control mode and went public about the pending release of three insurgent prisoners as demanded by MARA Patani.

He was suggesting to the umbrella group that all was not lost. The three will be transferred to the so-called “safe house” in Pattani where they will be guarded by Thai soldiers until further notice. For the talks to resume, said a source from one of the MARA Patani groups, the Thai government would have to reiterate its commitment to the peace process in the same way that the Yingluck Shinawatra government had done when her administration launched this peace initiative in February 2013.

One reason why Thai leaders don’t take MARA Patani seriously is their conviction that the umbrella organisation does not have any influence on the combatants, say Thai government officials. BRN reluctance Bangkok is hoping that the group with actual control over the combatants, the Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN), will join MARA Patani at the table. But the only tangible thing Thailand and MARA Patani have received from the BRN is an assurance they will observe the ceasefire in the designated Safety Zone.  The BRN said they would only negotiate directly with Bangkok when they are ready and properly trained. The talks, BRN sources insisted, must be in line with international best practices, which means having members of the international community mediate the negotiations. Over recent months, Bangkok has begun to ease up on its zero-sum mentality.

A green light has been given to members of the international community to work with the BRN and local civil society organisations (CSOs), including those who are critical of the state, to help them with capacity building and familiarise them with concepts such as International Humanitarian Law and other international norms. Bangkok thinks more progressive CSOs and BRN members will be good for conflict resolution. The best-case scenario would be creation of a rift within the BRN movement, between the military hardliners and the more progressive camp. But the Thai military, especially the Fourth Army, is not keen on giving foreign organisations or governments access to affairs in the far South. Thai military officials said they don’t want the headache, but local CSOs said the Army is afraid of having to explain to outsiders their questionable tactics and conduct in this restive region.

They pointed to mounting allegations of human rights abuses and harassment of CSO leaders, including the recent raid on the home two young Patani Malay activists, Artef Sohko and Arfan Wattana, by some 60 armed security officers. The activists were not at home.

“My little brother asked them if they had a search warrant and they told him to shut up and to inform me that there’s no way I’m going to win this case because they have the power to do what they do,” said Arfan.

Officers stopped Arfan’s brother from photographing them; meanwhile a police officer took a selfie at the scene which he posted on Facebook with a complaint about the weather and long working hours. Like the Army, Aksara is not keen on the idea of outsiders working with the BRN directly. In his mind, ongoing talks between his Dialogue Panel and MARA Patani is the only legitimate process and anybody who wants to work on conflict resolution in the far South needs to come and see him.

But non-military personnel said the only way to move forward is to give in to BRN’s demand of internationalising the process. One reason why some in Bangkok policymaking circles favour the idea of permitting foreign countries to work with the BRN is that they believe the government holds the moral high ground in the eyes of the international community, which is supportive of their policy for the far South.

The BRN, on the other hand, said Thailand is only interested in reducing the violence to justify their counter-insurgency programmes but won’t talk about historical grievances and root causes of the regional conflict. The positions of the two sides, it seems, are just as wide apart as ever.

Don Pathan is a security consultant and member of the Patani Forum (www.pataniforum.com), a civil society organisation dedicated to critical discussion on the conflict in Thailand’s far South.

Thai PM’s Protocol Breach Jeopardizes Southern Peace Talks

Commentary by Don Pathan
Yala, Thailand
May 14, 2018

Peace talks between Thailand and an umbrella group representing Patani Malay separatist organizations have come to a standstill because the rebel side felt insulted by Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-o-cha for “jumping the gun” with his announcement of a much-talked-about Safety Zone pilot project. 



Sources on both sides confirmed that the stalling in talks between the government in Bangkok and MARA Patani, a panel negotiating on behalf of long-standing separatist groups in the Deep South, stemmed from the perceived violation of protocol by Prayuth.



MARA Patani felt humiliated and belittled because they were expecting a more formal launch for what they considered a “breakthrough” – the announcement of a pilot Safety Zone, or geographically limited ceasefire, in Thailand’s southern border region.



A source in one of the organizations that sits on MARA Patani said they would like to see the Thai side reiterate the same kind of commitment that the then-government of Yingluck Shinawatra had announced back in February 2013, when the dialogue process was first launched.

Yingluck’s initiative marked the first time that a Bangkok government stated publicly that it was determined to resolve the southern conflict through political means. Prior to that, peace initiatives were kept out of the public spotlight.  



In spite of the fact that the Safety Zone is nothing close to a game-changer for the resolution of the decades-old conflict in the Muslim-majority Deep South, nevertheless, it appeared to be the only thing that Thailand and MARA Patani had to show for in the talks. This explains why the latter was extra sensitive on protocol.



It also explained why Gen. Aksara Kerdpol, the chief negotiator for the Thai side, had come forward about the pending release of three prisoners, as demanded by MARA Patani as pre-condition for the implementation of the ceasefire.

Realizing that his prime minister had created a blunder, Aksara, by going public with the pending release of the three, was sending a message to the MARA Patani side that all is not lost. 

The three are to be transferred to a holding center, dubbed “the apartment,” located inside the compound of the Islamic Committee of Pattani. It is the so-called “safe house” where they will be guarded by Thai soldiers until further notice.



The BRN factor

Thai security officials and militant sources on the ground, meanwhile, said that nothing would change until the Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN) negotiated directly with the Thais. BRN is one of the long-standing separatist movements, and it controls virtually all of the militants on the ground.



Bangkok wants BRN to come to the table under the MARA Patani umbrella, but the group insisted that they would only meet the Thais directly and would only come to the table when they feel properly trained. 

Moreover, any talks must be in line with international best practices, which means that members of the international community should be permitted to mediate the negotiations, BRN sources said.



Policy makers in Bangkok reject the idea of broadening the participation in this peace process that is being facilitated by Malaysia and up until the recent past, was not keen with the idea of permitting members of the international community engaging directly with the BRN.

Involving the international community

But other Thai officials said they had let go of their zero-sum game mentality.

A green light has been given, they said, to members of the international community to work with BRN and local civil society organizations (CSOs), including those critical of the state, to help them with capacity building and familiarize them with the various concepts, such as international humanitarian law and other international norms.



Hardliners in the military, especially the Fourth Army Region who oversees the security situation in the far south, are not too keen with the idea of permitting international NGOs or foreign governments becoming too involved with the affairs in the far South, for fear of having to explain to outsiders their questionable tactics and conducts in this restive region. 



Critics point to the mounting allegations of human rights abuses and harassment of CSO leaders and political activists in the region. The recent raid of a home a young Patani Malay activist, Artef Sohko, by some 60 security officers is a case in point.

Authorities confiscated some academic papers from Artef’s home. It was in English and it was about the peace process in the Mindanao region of the southern Philippines.

“They said they will get it translated.

I really hope they learn something from it,” Artef said.

Moreover, Kerdpol, the chief Thai negotiator, is also afraid that the participation of outsiders would undermine his role as the one with the sole mandate to negotiate with the rebels, said Thai officials overseeing the southern conflict.

Such attitudes may be challenged if and when the Thai junta steps down and a new government comes to power.

A significant number of Thai officials (non-military) favored the idea of opening up the process to permit members of the international community to participate in the peace process if it means bringing BRN to the table.



They said the self-proclaimed BRN members who sit on MARA Patani do not have the blessing of the group’s ruling council, namely the Dewan Pimpinan Parti (DPP). And until that happens, the dialogue process with MARA Patani is little more than a “talk shop.” 

BRN, on the other hand, said Thailand continued to take them for granted and only wanted to end the political violence without addressing the historical grievances and root causes of the conflict in the far South. 



They said Prayuth “jumping the gun” with the announcement about the Safety Zone was not the first time Bangkok had humiliated MARA Patani. The fact that Thai Government continues to refer to the umbrella organization as “Party B,” instead of referring to them by their organizational name, is a case in point.  



In the final analysis, the Safety Zone is a big leap of faith but it is doomed to fail because the project rests on shaky ground. 

The group that controls the militants on the ground – BRN – may have promised not to sabotage the project but one has to wonder how long that will last.



Don Pathan is a consultant and security analyst based in Thailand. The opinions expressed in this commentary are those of the author and not of BenarNews.

Southern Thai Peace Talks Hit Snag Over Rebel Group’s Demand

Don Pathan
BenarNews

Yala, Thailand

Thailand’s peace initiative with Malay Muslim insurgents in the Deep South has hit a snag as rebels have threatened not to go through with the Safety Zone initiative unless Bangkok releases three of their imprisoned members.

Thai officials insisted that the call to release the three prisoners was not a demand tied to the prospect of a safety zone – or geographically limited ceasefire – but a “request” from MARA Patani, the panel representing insurgent groups in the peace talks. The Justice Ministry is looking into the case, officials told me.

If granted, it would not be a pardon but an early release, according to sources, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

If not, it would be a setback for the Safety Zone, a much-talked about project that would become Thailand’s showpiece for the international community. The project involves the designation of a district where a ceasefire is to be observed in Thailand’s southern border region.

MARA Patani, an umbrella organization made up of six long-standing separatist movements, began talks with the Thai government three years ago.

Like all other previous peace initiatives, Thailand’s engagement with MARA Patani rests on a shaky ground because the umbrella organization does not have control over the combatants on the ground.

A military intelligence officer described Thailand’s engagement with MARA Patani as “just buying time” until the leadership of the Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN), the one group that controls virtually all of the militants in the field, decided to join the peace process.

So far, there is no indication BRN will change its stance – not because of a lack of trying on the part of MARA Patani or Malaysia, the designated facilitator.

Glimmer of hope

A moment of hope, albeit small, came late last year during a meeting between Malaysian mediator Ahmad Zamzamin Hashim, who is a retired spy chief, and two senior members of BRN’s ruling council.

Zamzamin received an assurance from the BRN leaders that their militants would not sabotage the safety-zone initiative, which would be implemented in a yet-to-be-named district in one of three Muslim-majority provinces in the Deep South. The idea was conjured up by MARA Patani and Thailand’s Dialogue Panel.

BRN sources said they were still committed to independence for Patani, the Malay historical homeland that today forms Thailand’s three southernmost provinces. They had no plan to enter into a negotiation with the Thais, they said.

Moreover, a planned meeting between the country’s chief negotiator, Gen. Aksara Kerdpol, and one of the BRN senior figures, Doonloh Wae-mano (alias Abdullah Wan Mat Noor), to be held in Indonesia, should not be interpreted as a breakthrough in any way.

Nevertheless, the fact that BRN agreed not to sabotage the Safety Zone project and allow the initiative to take its course was welcomed in Thailand despite the glaring irony that the participants, MARA Patani and Thai government, don’t control the armed militants.

A spitting contest

Bangkok wants to make this Safety Zone project its showpiece in order to demonstrate to the public and the world that it is making “progress” in efforts to end a separatist conflict that has killed nearly 7,000 people since January 2004.

For a moment, things appeared to be moving in the right direction.

People were looking forward to the launch of the safety zone scheduled for April 2018. And then came a demand from the MARA Patani that three of their people be released from prison, sources on both sides told me.

Beside the horse-trading and the political and legal challenges that come with it, Thailand’s peace initiative for the Deep South is also facing some major obstacles coming from the people inside the country.

The ongoing spitting contest between Aksara and the commander of the Fourth Army region, Lt. Gen. Piyawat Nakwanich, who oversees security in the Deep South, could very well have negative consequences on the government’s strategy for the area.

Government sources said the disagreement was part of a turf war between the two members of the military top brass who had been dismissive of one another through the media.

In a recent statement to the press, Piyawat said Aksara’s safety project was nothing to get excited about and added that he himself had single-handedly created 14 such zones and that he didn’t want to boast.

Piyawat also talked about his Bring People Home project, a half-baked amnesty program that supposedly helps former insurgents return to normal civilian life, calling it a success because it put a dent in BRN’s morale and military standing.

According to a Thai government source overseeing the southern conflict, the bickering stemmed from the dispute of who should oversee which programs.

Members of the Dialogue Panel, the official name of Thailand’s negotiating team, believe they should be the one administering Bring People Home because they are the ones who are dealing directly with the rebels and, therefore, they would be in a better position to run the program.

The dispute between Aksara and Piyawat forced a leading member of MARA Patani to issue a public statement, accusing the commander of the Fourth Army region commander of creating confusion.

Sukree Haree said Piyawat’s amnesty project and his version of 14 “safety zone” districts were entirely different from the programs discussed at the negotiating table between his umbrella organization and the Dialogue Panel.

BRN sources dismissed Piyawat’s claim of success, saying those who surrendered through the program were not deeply involved in the movement and may just be guilty by association. This is a common accusation employed by the Thai authorities but has no bearing in court.

Moreover, the BRN has not reached the stage of a full-fledged army and, therefore, does not need that many soldiers in its ranks.

The strategy at this point is to discredit the government’s security apparatus, making the region ungovernable as much as possible.

A roadside bombing followed by a brief gunfight that hardly ever lasts more than five minutes is the usual battle scenario in this region.

The insurgents said they are more interested in capturing the locals’ hearts, mind and imagination, not geographical space, which is something way down the road, at which time, a conventional force will be needed.

Don Pathan is a consultant and security analyst based in Thailand. The opinions expressed in this commentary are those of the author and not of BenarNews.

Army’s tighter grip threatens peace initiative in far South

Don Pathan
Special to The Nation
March 10, 2018

Yala

Concern is growing that the military’s eagerness to please bosses in Bangkok could lead to collapse of safety zone project

The tension between Internal Security Operation Command (Isoc) Region 4 and civic leaders working on the conflict in Thailand’s far South has reached an unprecedented height as neither side shows signs of backing down. 

A week ago, 38 civil society organisations (CSOs) and 22 individual academics and activists signed a petition calling on Isoc Region 4 Command to stop intimidating the media and human rights defenders, and to be realistic about the challenges people in the region face. Signatories pointed to alleged harassment of local human rights activist Ismail Teh, who won an eight-year legal battle when a Thai court ordered the government to compensate him financially for the beating inflicted upon him while he was in detention.

Just weeks ago, 4th Army commander Lt-General Piyawat Nakwanich filed defamation charges against Ismail for talking to the media about his case.  Late last month, Aiman Hadeng, president of Justice of Peace Network, a local CSO made up of former detainees, was held incommunicado without charges for a week.  Other similar incidents over the past few weeks include the raid of a private Islamic school in Pattani’s Nong Chik district that turned up nothing incriminating and the detention of 14 youths camping on a Yala’s hilltop popular among local tourists. The March 2 press statement was signed by both Muslims and Thai Buddhist academics and CSO leaders who are fed up with what they say amounts to a campaign of intimidation from the military.

These activists accuse the Fourth Army Area Command, the engine behind Isoc Region 4, of ignoring the reality on the ground and refusing to address the root cause of the conflict. A government source in Bangkok who monitors the conflict in the far South said concern is growing that Lt-General Piyawat’s activities could drive a bigger wedge between the state and a local Malay population which the Army is supposed to be winning over.

There is also concern that his heavy-handedness could affect the ongoing peace dialogue between the central government and MARA Patani, an umbrella organisation made up of six long-standing Patani Malay separatist movements. Thailand’s engagement with MARA Patani has reached an important juncture that includes the implementation of a Safety Zone, a pilot project in which the two sides will designate a district in the far South where a period of ceasefire will be observed. 

The Thai government and MARA Patani will also set up a “Safe House” where representatives from both sides can jointly monitor the security situation in the Safety Zone and take up issues raised by the local residents.  The designated district is set to be announced by May, once technical teams from the two sides have ironed out the details of a project that had been on the table for more than two years.

Bangkok and MARA Patani were able to push for implementation only after the Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN), the group that controls virtually all of the insurgent combatants but is not taking part in peace negotiations, agreed not to sabotage the initiative. In 2013, alleged extrajudicial and “target” killings by Thai forces came into focus when a BRN liaison, Hasan Taib, raised the issue at a meeting with Thai representatives in the peace talks. Negotiations at the time were also complicated when local activists marched to the Malaysian Consulate in Songkhla to raise the same case and called on Kuala Lumpur, in its capacity as talks facilitator, to intervene and end alleged torture and assassination of former detainees. Now, there is growing concern that Piyawat’s aggressive tactics in the South could see the BRN wash its hands of (or place severe limitations on) the Safety Zone project. 

Rebel sources said they were extremely upset at Piyawat’s “blind” sweep operation in Bannang Sata, Yala, in early January, during which government troops netted about 50 local residents for detention. The round-up was in response to an arson attack on a passenger bus by a local militant cell in mid-December 2017. A Thai government security official said Piyawat was out to impress his superiors in Bangkok with his heavy-handed tactics while giving no consideration to the consequences. 

But senior government officials and the top brass don’t seem to mind the aggression, while the predominantly Buddhist Thai general public outside of this restive region remains largely indifferent to the plight of the Patani Malays. For many, the very idea of sitting at the same table with Patani Malay movements as equals is unpalatable. “In the eyes of the military leaders, they [Patani Malay separatist movements] will always be criminals,” said the Thai government source, who spoke on condition of anonymity. In this line of thinking, said the source, Piaywat’s questionable tactics on the ground will generate little opposition among the top brass in Bangkok, who are running the show and will continue to do so until the mandate is eventually handed back to the Thai people.

 Don Pathan is a founding member of the Patani Forum (www.pataniforum.com), a civil society organisation dedicated to critical discussion on the conflict in Thailand’s far South. He is based in Yala, one of the three southernmost provinces in this historically contested region known as Patani.TagsArmyfar SouthpeaceinitiativeArmy’s tighterBangkok

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