Thailand hammered on diplomatic front

Don Pathan
The Nation

Thailand's international standing has been declining steadily over the past year with the current administration showing no sign of changing its course.

Bangkok-based diplomats, analysts, and government officials blame the decline on the current administration's failure to incorporate the country's strong points - human rights, democracy, not to mention freedom of expression - into the government's foreign policy as if these things are something Thailand should be ashamed of.

"There is a saying that foreign policy begins at home," noted one Foreign Ministry official.

Another factor contributing to the decline is what many regards as a too-ambitious plan to turn Thailand into a major player in the global community.

In principle, turning Thailand into an international broker might not be such a bad idea. New diplomatic channels could open up and give more meaning to a multidimensional foreign policy, but Thailand could end up biting off more than it can chew because it doesn't seem to take into consideration the existing limitations, they say.

Observers say the current administration is unable to cope with the rapidly changing world that calls for swift and firm political maneuvering. The government's actions, they say, do not seem to be based on sound policies or rooted in any principles.

Indeed, from the Taleban's blowing up of the Bamiyan Buddha statues to the September 11 terrorist attack against the United States - and to the push to make Thailand the centre of gravity between East Asia and the subcontinent under the empty notion of "Asia Dialogue" - the Thaksin administration has displayed a serious lack of understanding as to what constitutes a sound foreign policy.

Panitan Wattanayagorn, a foreign-affairs expert at Chulalongkorn University, says Thailand is stumbling into unfamiliar terrain and may be putting itself in a very uncomfortable position in a tug-of-war among powerful giants like the United States, China and India.

Moreover, many others say this so-called Asia Dialogue forum has no chance whatsoever of becoming a serious arena that will command respect.

Consider the European Union, where common political culture and economic practices bring all the members of this ethnically diverse continent together under one economic and political powerhouse - there is nothing in Asia to serve as the basis to unite these countries in such a manner.

For the time being, the idea of creating an "Asian Dialogue" - a rejuvenation of Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's dream of an East Asia Economic Caucus (EAEC) - is currently being floated around the world by Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai. Incidentally, it seems to have been forgotten that the reason the proposed EAEC failed the first time around was that it unnecessarily pitted the East against West.

Many Asian countries, such as South Korea, Japan, Singapore, the Philippines, India, or Pakistan, either already have strong working ties with the United States or are on course to redefine their relations in light of the September 11 attacks.

Moreover, says one Bangkok-based diplomat who spoke on condition of anonymity, "There is no reason why South Asia and East Asia cannot come together themselves. They don't need Thailand to bring them together."

But convincing the world community that there is substance behind this "Asian Dialogue" will be difficult, unless of course, Thailand is satisfied with its becoming another talk shop.

"There isn't much commonality here in the region," said one observer, pointing to the absence of a uniform political culture or economic system in Asia.

There is also the issue of reforming the Foreign Ministry, turning it into a "proactive" body that would push the country into the global economic and political limelight.

"This may be good in principle. But the bureaucratic structure, the human resources, and the technical skills are just not there," Panitan said.

"This quick-fix attitude could inadvertently bring down the morale of the bureaucrats," he added.

There is also talk of engaging Russia and other former Soviet republics more forcefully. But after years of ignoring Moscow, no on seems to know anything about the former Soviet states, Panitan said.

Besides the "Asian Dialogue", there have been other incidents that show the new government lacks understanding of and sensitivity to political developments on a global scale.

Prime Minister Thaksin Shina-watra's inability to grasp politics at the international level was clearly displayed in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks. Instead of going straight to the US Embassy to show the world that Thailand, too, would not hesitate in condemning this hideous crime that had taken the lives of some 3,000 people, Thaksin sent out memos to all Thai embassies to see how many other leaders visited American embassies in their respective countries.

"There wouldn't be any hesitation as to what the premier should do if we took up a position based on some sort of principle," Thai officials say.

The government's handling of the Bamiyan Buddha statues in Afghanistan also showed it was unable to grasp the political significance of the issue, thus allowing opposition leader Chuan Leekpai to make Thaksin's foreign-policy team look amateurish.

Chuan outmaneuvered Thaksin by contacting UN Secretary-General Kofi Anan directly, thanking him for taking a firm position against the Taleban following its decision to blow up the statues. He also wrote to the then Taleban leader Mullah Mohammed Omar, urging him to preserve what was deemed a world heritage site.

Thaksin, on the other hand, extended this gratitude to Unesco, a UN technical body that deals mainly with the preservation of ancient artifacts.

"This case was not just about some ancient statues that needed to be preserved. It was bigger than that, and the Thaksin government failed to see the political significance and political dimensions of this case," one observer said.

Thais Tired of Paying for Burmese

Don Pathan
The Irrawaddy

Some in Thailand are talking about getting tough with the Wa, Rangoon’s "partners in peace", whose drug-dealing ways have become a bane to Burma’s neighbors. 

Just when it seemed that things were smooth sailing for one of the world largest armed drug armies, along comes a maverick politician to rock the boat. In March, a ranking member of the Thai Parliament, Kobsak Chutikul, called on the United States to consider using surgical air strikes against the 20,000-strong United Wa State Army (UWSA) if they do not stop their narcotics activities by 2005 as they have promised.

"Such surgical air strikes would be in line with the emerging international order following the Sept 11 terrorist attacks [against the US]," said Kobsak, the vice-chairman of the Lower House’s Foreign Affairs Committee and a former top-ranking diplomat. "The international community has the right to take action against those who pose a threat to humanity, wherever they may be," Kobsak added. 

The UWSA is one of the world’s largest suppliers of heroin and methamphetamines. The latter is locally known as "yaa baa" (crazy pills), and Thai military officials estimate that 800 million pills will enter Thailand this year. Burma replaced Afghanistan as the world’s largest source of heroin following the US-led air and ground war against the Taliban. 

Kobsak, the deputy leader of the Chat Thai Party, argued that narcotics and terrorism are two sides of the same coin because one feeds on the other. The elusive nature of terrorists’ and drug traffickers’ illicit operations are identical and they use the same legal loopholes that allow terrorists and drug traffickers to sneak in and out of countries and transfer money globally, he said. 

Kobsak maintained that any government that holds the well being of its citizens in the highest regard should not rule out such a military operation because the Wa’s illicit activities are "a threat to humanity". The problem with Kobsak’s statement is that it comes amid seemingly warming bilateral relations between Thailand and Burma. Dialogue between the two sides has been carried out on a regular basis, while negotiations over joint fisheries are reportedly back on the right track. 

There is also talk of Thailand financing a crop-substitution project in a Wa-controlled area adjacent to Thailand’s Chiang Rai province. Troops and officers on the frontline, however, say that the fundamental problems—drugs, insurgencies, refugees and overlapping territorial claims—still remain and that now is no time for complacency. 

The upswing in bilateral ties should not permit the authorities to let their guard down, as they said it wasn’t long ago that the two countries had engaged in a day-long cross-border shelling that resulted in the death of scores of people on both sides. 

There is also the argument that any military action against the Wa, such as surgical air strikes as suggested by Kobsak, would infringe on the sovereignty of Burma and its military government, which in 1989 cut a ceasefire deal with the Wa drug army in return for the latter’s autonomy. Rangoon has come out with some strong words following Kobsak’s remark, accusing the former diplomat of being a warmonger and overlooking its anti-narcotics efforts. 

Rangoon has also ruled out any military action against the Wa and added that Thailand’s drug habit should not be played out as Burma’s problem. Thai officials said that whether there would be an attack against the Wa or not, the improving diplomatic atmosphere should not be a free ticket for Rangoon to get out of the loop. 

Thai officials, particularly those on the frontline, maintained that the junta cannot continue to hide behind claims of protecting their sovereignty while at the same time saying they have no control over the Wa’s actions. In other words, the generals in Rangoon must be held accountable for the Wa’s illicit activities. Many have been critical of the Thai government for being "too generous" in its dealings with the UWSA, saying Bangkok should rethink its strategy. 

The Wa-Rangoon Connection The issue of drugs and insurgency is likely to remain a sour point between Thailand and Burma for some time to come. What concerns many people is that Thailand is becoming too complacent in dealing with the Burmese junta and too quick to take credit for what they claim to be an improving atmosphere. The heart of the problem, said observers, is much more complicated and the future rests on a number of factors—historical, strategic and economic—relating to Burma’s insurgencies. Rangoon has made it clear that they will not turn the clock back to the way things were when their troops and armed insurgent groups were at war.

After all, obtaining the ceasefire with the insurgent groups was not exactly a walk in the park. The UWSA came into being in 1989 shortly after the breakup of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB), which fractured along ethnic lines. The Wa, who made up the bulk of CPB’s foot soldiers, came together and organized themselves in Panghsang in northern Shan State bordering China. 

In spite of the historical mistrust between the Wa and the Burmese, Rangoon immediately signed a ceasefire with the group for fear that the weapons that the Wa had obtained from the Chinese would end up in the hands of the other groups—be it the Karen rebels or the Burmese student groups who took to the jungle after the military government came to power by gunning down thousands of pro-democracy protesters. With the ceasefire in 1989 came the green light to mobilize more troops southward, where a rival group, the Mong Tai Army of opium warlord Khun Sa, was based. 

Unable to cope with a two-front war, coupled with internal disputes within his own MTA, Khun Sa surrendered to Rangoon in 1996 in return for a generous amnesty. The opium warlord has a US $2 million price tag on his head following an indictment by a US Federal Court over drug trafficking.

Today, the Mong Yawn valley opposite Thailand’s Mae Ai district is a constant reminder of how the history of drugs and insurgencies in the trouble-plagued military state has unfolded. It is also a testimony that the Wa are nobody’s lap dog. They were told by Rangoon to go back to Panghsang shortly after Khun Sa’s surrender and they refused. In fact, Burmese troops must ask permission to enter Wa-controlled area. 

Today for the Wa, heroin money is financing everything from the construction of schools to dam building and other infrastructure project in eastern Shan State, which Rangoon sometimes refers to as "Wa State". For the time being, all sides have adopted a wait-and-see approach, hoping that the "good feeling" achieved over the past year between Thailand and Burma will produce some sort of lasting solution to the drug problems. 

Few are convinced that any lasting peace and stability will result from these ongoing dialogues and visits. Thailand knows that they are not in the position to make any real demands from the Burmese because as far as the generals in Rangoon are concerned, anything that will jeopardize their hard-won ceasefire is a matter of life and death. 

Don Pathan is the Regional Desk editor for Thailand’s English-language daily, The Nation.

TALES FROM THE FRONTIER: Down the dusty trail (Afghanistan)

The Nation

Don Pathan was the only Thai journalist present in Afghanistan last year when the US declared war on the Taleban. In the first of the four-part series, he recounts the events as they took place.

It was early morning when the phone rang. "Come down please and bring your passport with you," said the receptionist at a hotel in Almaty, Kazakhstan. It wasn't a request.

Already pissed off at the fact we'd been kicked off a flight to Dushanbe the day before, after the Kazakh immigration officers let a bunch of Tajiks take our seats, my travelling companions and I weren't too thrilled at the idea of being woken up and ordered around.

"Why are you still here?" asked the policewomen. "Your visa expired yesterday."

"Excuse me but who are you and what is this all about?" my travelling companion snapped back at the officer, still dazed and confused at this bit of reality in a former Soviet republic.

After a lengthy discussion the two officers concluded that this was a "special circumstance" and that our visas would be extended until the end of the week.

Welcome to Central Asia we thought, where governments - perhaps a little more than in other parts of the world - were freaking out at the developments in neighbouring Afghanistan. Foreigners coming and going were heavily screened, especially citizens of nearby countries bordering Afghanistan.

Indeed, the hunt for Osama bin Laden and the destruction of his Al Queda terrorist network and their hosts the Taliban, was about to start and the whole world was told by the US President George W Bush: "Either you're with us, or you're with them". 

These former Soviet republics that in the previous decades served as the gateway for Russian troops are all too familiar with the bitter experience of the Afghan. For ten years, from 1979-89, Moscow had used this region to enter and exit the country. They were devastated by the resistance put up by the mujahidin against their occupation and the experience continues to haunt the Russian people until today.

Finally, five days later, my two travelling companions and I were on a Russian-built plane to Tajikistan's capital Dushanbe, where we would spend the next four days making our final preparation before crossing into northern Afghanistan. A final test-run on our satellite phones was carried out together with our computer laptop as we wait for our over-priced visa from the Islamic Government of Afghanistan - the official name of the UN-recognised Northern Alliance that was forced out of Kabul in 1996 by the Taliban - to be processed.

Our aim was to go as far south as possible, about 35 km north of Kabul where Northern Alliance forces were facing off with Taliban soldiers along the frontline in the Shomali Plain. We hoped to cross the border before the Americans started their air war.

Besides a long list of journalists ahead of us trying to get on one of the few Afghan helicopters, things had got worse following a heavy dust storm that had enveloped Dushanbe, thus dashing any hope of us crossing the border any time soon. 

Shortly after midnight on October 6, we threw our belongings into a four-wheel drive and headed for the Afghan border five hours away. Any crossing would have to be done before the sun came up to avoid incoming Taliban artillery fire - just two hilltops away.

But getting in by land would not be easy, with or without the Taliban watching. Getting past armed Russian troops manning the Tajik-Afghan border was even more difficult. Even if you make it past the guards, and the barbed wire that seems to stretch endlessly along the Tajik border, there is an icy cold river to cross before reaching the Afghan side.

The Russians were there at the invitation of the Tajik government to serve as a buffer between the Taliban and the Northern Alliance. The latter, until recently, had been pushed back to this corner of the war-torn country that accounts for about 10 per cent of Afghanistan. 

True to their reputation, the Russian border guards would not budge. We were told to go back to Dushanbe and consult with the Foreign Ministry. But going back to the Tajik's capital meant we would have to wait in a long queue for a seat on one of the few Afghan choppers. There had not been a single flight for the past week and with the dust storm, known locally as the "Afghan wind", showing no sign of dying down, we decided that returning to the Tajik capital would be our last option.

According to our guide, there was a Tajik military installation about 10 kilometres down the road. But the ride would not be cheap, he warned. He was right. For US$250 per head, the Tajik pilots had no qualms whatsoever about flying us in - along with hundreds of arms and supplies for Afghan fighters. 

It was one of the most expensive ride in my life. Fifteen minutes later, we were met by hundreds of curious looking people who called themselves "mujahiddin".

Shortly after our arrival we were greeted by the Alliance's deputy defence minister General Barialay Khan, who displayed typical Afghan hospitality by treating us to a big feast and putting us up for the night at his residence. It would be almost two months before I would dine in such fashion again.

Unlike other tough-talking, battlefield commanders that I had ran into during my six weeks stay, Barialay come across as a visionary; cultured and very charismatic. He spoke with great conviction about the Afghan people as a whole and their ability to overcome the bitter differences in spite of two decades of fighting between various warring factions.

The fabric of Afghan society that held the various ethnic groups together for centuries, said Barialay, had not been totally destroyed by the Taliban - or any other conflict in 23 years of fighting. The role of the tribal leaders, village elders, religious scholars - all of whom have played a significant role in keeping the society in tact throughout Afghan history - will resurface once the Taliban is ousted, and resume their rightful duty as the unifying factor.

Judging from what has been talking place in recent days with the swearing in of the new interim government, and the political sacrifice made by the stronger Northern Alliance, things appear to be moving in the right direction.

Barialay is convinced that the soul of Afghanistan has not been destroyed beyond repair. Developments in recent weeks show that the war-torn country is moving towards reconciliation. The power to forgive, it seems, is as much an Afghan trait, as is the will to fight. And with the end of the Taliban rule and the destruction of the al Queda network, two decades of bloodshed is quickly coming to an end.

Can it last? 

Hard talk for Thai-Burmese

Don Pathan
The Nation

When they really needed it the most, it wasn't there. But after two years of putting it off, the Thai-Burma Joint Commission is now back on track.

Chaired by the respective foreign ministers of the two countries, the Thai-Burma JC is the highest level of institutionalised working relationship between the two governments.

The meeting in Phuket from January 7-9 is expected to discuss a wide range of issues, from the repatriation of refugees to joint anti-narcotics efforts, as well as economic cooperation. The JC mechanism is being revived at a time when bilateral ties between the two countries appear to be improving. But dig deeper, say Thai army and government officials, and you will find hard feelings and deep-rooted suspicion are still very much alive. It will take more than just a few official visits and handshakes to close this extraordinarily complex chapter in Thai-Burmese history, they say.

For the past eight years following a short-lived honeymoon started by a visit by then Army chief General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh to Rangoon after the takeover by Burmese generals in 1988, Thai-Burmese relations have been characterised by mutual criticism and violence along the border.

One of these incidents took place almost a year ago when day-long cross-border shelling resulted in the death of scores of people from both sides. The shelling, which brought bilateral ties to its lowest ebb, was followed by months of stand-offs between the two armed forces, some of whom were positioned just metres apart. The clashes broke out shortly after Thaksin Shinawatra was sworn in as the new prime minister.

A war of words between the two sides then continued for some time, with respective commanders accusing their counterparts of taking kickbacks from drug dealers. The rhetoric began to die down following Thaksin's visit to Rangoon in June. The trip was billed as a fence-mending trip during which an olive branch was extended to the Burmese. Thus begun a cooling off period.

Today, in spite of the absence of rhetoric, Bangkok-based diplomats, Thai government officials and army commanders insist tension remains. The same old problems - Burmese refugees, anti-Rangoon insurgents and drug trafficking along the border - continue to sour relations between the two countries. Nevertheless, the Thaksin government is convinced it can make things better. 

Since Thai Rak Thai first hit the campaign trail, those surrounding Thaksin have gone to great lengths to spell out the party's philosophy in dealing with Burma and other neighbouring countries.

Thailand's interest, they say, is best served by strengthened economic cooperation with its neighbours. By increasing business and trade with Burma, Bangkok will be able to move toward normalising relations with Rangoon. Other problems such as illegal migration and drug trafficking could then be dealt with through the proper channels.

It sounded good, especially to those waiting to cash in on short-term gains from improved Thai-Burmese relations. But for others, particularly drug officials and military personnel on the frontlines, it was wishful thinking.

During the Chuan Leekpai administration, Thai-Burmese relations experienced a number of hiccups. Thailand took up issues that annoyed not only Burma, but other Asean members as well. But for a regional grouping with no political will to tackle sensitive issues, Asean tends to react testily to any mention of subjects such as human rights or transnational security problems. That is exacerbated when a member is singled out as the source of the problems.

And so when Thailand broke ranks with Asean by not voting against a resolution from the International Labour Organisation to condemn Burma's practice of forced labour, things began to get nasty.

Regarding drugs, the previous administration also made it clear Rangoon must be accountable for the illicit activities of the United Wa State Army, which over the years has expanded its operations and control along the Chinese border to areas adjacent to Thailand's northern provinces. Thousands of ethnic Wa and Chinese have been transported in flatbed trucks to Burma's border with China and relocated to UWSA-controlled areas adjacent to Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai.

For the Thai security apparatus, the UWSA, which operates somewhat independently of Rangoon, has essentially became a scapegoat. But at the same time, the 20,000-strong Wa army has became a pawn in Rangoon's dealings with Thailand.

Border checkpoints leading to UWSA-controlled areas just kilometres away from the border were shut, and over 1,000 Thai nationals working in construction were ordered back home. But with this increased security along the Golden Triangle area, methamphetamines from the UWSA's labs trickled in elsewhere - along the banks of the Mekong River in Northeast Thailand and at various spots stretching from Tak province all the way down to the coastal town of Ranong.

However, the Thaksin government has decided to engaged the Wa through a tripartite dialogue with Rangoon. There is talk of a Bt20 million crop-substitution project financed by Thai taxpayers in Wa-controlled areas near the border.

But the move has irked Thailand's frontline commanders who, according to military sources, have a plan of their own - to penetrate the UWSA and plant a disruptive seed inside the organisation. It is a long shot but worth a try, they say.

But with the talks with the Wa off the ground, Thailand has effectively freed Rangoon of any burden for the illicit activities of the UWSA. "They can just say it's between you and the Wa now," said one senior officer who spoke on condition of anonymity

No red carpet for Thaksin in the US

The PM will have an uphill battle to restore US trust after his 'neutrality' comment on the war on terrorism

Don Pathan

The Nation

A friend in need is a friend indeed, so the old saying goes. But when old pal Washington came knocking on its door after the September 11 attacks, Thailand would only let Uncle Sam peep through the crack. 

That was when Thailand and the international community were put on the spot. The leader of the most powerful nation in the world had drawn a line in the sand: "Either you're with us or you're with them," US President George W Bush said as he declared war on international terrorism. 

But Thailand and Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra didn't know what to make of it. Thinking that it was the safest way out, he proclaimed that the country would take a "neutral" stance in this fight.

Thaksin's message to Washington was that while Thailand sympathised with America over the death of nearly 4,000 innocent people, the US government was over-reacting. 

Washington's reply to Thailand was blunt. The country was told that it risked being regarded as "irrelevant" in the new post-September 11 world order if it chose to remain neutral. 

Little did Thaksin know that this one word would make such a world of difference in Thai-US relations.

Government House insiders and others in the know said things got messy for a while. They said a number of diplomatic and military old hands with strong links to the US had to step in and help clear the air.

"It was very confusing. Thailand went from being |neutral to supporting the UN resolution on terrorism, and afterwards proclaiming that it would expand its war on |terrorism," said a Thai politician familiar with Thai-US relations.

For the time being, it appears the damage has been contained, though others say the Americans could still be upset by the fact that Thaksin will not visit the Pentagon - one of the sites of the September 11 attack - "for fear it would antagonise the Muslim community".

Nevertheless, the premier will be facing an enormous task in trying to negotiate with the Americans at a time when they are in no mood to see him.

Immediately after the September 11 atrocities, the United States was counting on moral and diplomatic support from treaty allies like Thailand. But Bangkok didn't understand the significance of claiming neutrality in a crisis of this scale.

"The Washington crowd saw this as a slap in the face," said Panitan Wattanayagorn, a leading Thai academic on international relations. 

"Principally, it might have been the right thing to do. But diplomatically, it unnecessarily created unwanted attention," Panitan added.

The premier, he said, had allowed public opinion to sway him while overlooking the national interest and what has been termed a "moral obligation" to help an ally.

Perhaps more than anybody the Thai Army understood the American psychology and needs at a time of crisis. Though obligated by treaty and memoranda of understanding to assist in times of trouble, the Thai top brass also well knew Americans were merely looking for moral support to regain their confidence. The Thai Army, meanwhile, reached out to their American counterparts by promising to incorporate anti-terrorism in the annual Cobra Gold military exercise.

For those who threw their support behind Washington, it was time to make hay. The Philippines came from nowhere to become a "good friend", with promises of more military hardware to fight Muslim separatists, while Pakistan went from being on a number of watch lists to America's sweetheart.

China went from a "strategic competitor" to a "strategic partner" in a matter of days. To show that he meant business, Bush travelled to China. Though the occasion was the Apec summit, for the American president it was an opportunity to show the Chinese that a new spirit of partnership had been forged. 

"Bush had enough reasons to stay at home with the people, but the fact that he chose to go to Shanghai really said something about his determination to win Chinese support," said another Bangkok-based diplomat.

Russia also got the full red-carpet treatment, not to mention the famed Texas hospitality and home cooking, during President Vladimir Putin's recent visit to the US.

The irony of all this is that ever since the Bush team set foot in the White House, the hawks in the cabinet were set to play hardball with Beijing. 

Japan and Germany, meanwhile, went to great pains to show they were capable of taking the heat at home by coming out strongly in support of the US. Indonesia's President Megawati Sukarnoputri stood her ground, went against the public mood, and declared her support for the fight against global terrorism.

"All these countries saw there was a common ground and a new coalition came out of it," Panitan said.

And when Thailand started to change its tune, it was too little and too late. The window of opportunity is gone and it is very unlikely that Thaksin will be getting any special treatment, unless of course he goes to Washington with something to offer.

In the official itinerary of his "working visit" there will be no 19- or 21-gun salute, no Rose Garden joint press conference and no luncheon with Bush. The highlight of the trip will be a 40-minute meeting with selected Cabinet members from both sides. 

Thaksin supporters are quick to argue that Washington didn't care about the region when he came into office and that it wasn't until after September 11 that its attitude began to change. The premier had wanted to visit the US earlier in the year but was told to hold off until the Constitution Court verdict on his corruption charges. 

Also there was the hostile foreign media which tried to paint the Thai premier as a "Thai Con", and as a man who entered politics to protect and enhance his business empire.

His critics, on the other hand, maintain the premier has a track record of getting himself into hot water. Among other things, they cited his famous Escap speech about the need for an Asian economic model, and to his comment about the service on Thai Airways International, not to mention the wishy-washy stance on terrorism.

Nevertheless, in his upcoming trip to Washington, Thaksin will try hard to put Thailand back on the Americans' radar screen. What he says or does will shape Thai-US relations as redefined by the aftermath of September 11.

No red carpet for Thaksin in the US

Don Pathan
The Nation

The PM will have an uphill battle to restore US trust after his 'neutrality' comment on the war on terrorism

A friend in need is a friend indeed, so the old saying goes. But when old pal Washington came knocking on its door after the September 11 attacks, Thailand would only let Uncle Sam peep through the crack. \

That was when Thailand and the international community were put on the spot. The leader of the most powerful nation in the world had drawn a line in the sand: "Either you're with us or you're with them," US President George W Bush said as he declared war on international terrorism. 

But Thailand and Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra didn't know what to make of it. Thinking it was the safest way out, he proclaimed that the country would take a "neutral" stance in this fight.

Thaksin's message to Washington was that while Thailand sympathized with America over the death of nearly 4,000 innocent people, the US government was overreacting. 

Washington's reply to Thailand was blunt. The country was told that it risked being regarded as "irrelevant" in the new post-September 11 world order if it chose to remain neutral. 

Little did Thaksin know that this one word would make such a world of difference in Thai-US relations.

Government House insiders and others in the know said things got messy for a while. They said a number of diplomatic and military old hands with strong links to the US had to step in and help clear the air.

"It was very confusing. Thailand went from being |neutral to supporting the UN resolution on terrorism, and afterward proclaiming that it would expand its war on |terrorism," said a Thai politician familiar with Thai-US relations.

For the time being, it appears the damage has been contained, though others say the Americans could still be upset by the fact that Thaksin will not visit the Pentagon - one of the sites of the September 11 attack - "for fear it would antagonize the Muslim community".

Nevertheless, the premier will be facing an enormous task in trying to negotiate with the Americans at a time when they are in no mood to see him.

Immediately after the September 11 atrocities, the United States was counting on moral and diplomatic support from treaty allies like Thailand. But Bangkok didn't understand the significance of claiming neutrality in a crisis of this scale.

"The Washington crowd saw this as a slap in the face," said Panitan Wattanayagorn, a leading Thai academic on international relations. 

"Principally, it might have been the right thing to do. But diplomatically, it unnecessarily created unwanted attention," Panitan added.

The premier, he said, had allowed public opinion to sway him while overlooking the national interest and what has been termed a "moral obligation" to help an ally.

Perhaps more than anybody the Thai Army understood the American psychology and needs at a time of crisis. Though obligated by treaty and memoranda of understanding to assist in times of trouble, the Thai top brass also knew Americans were merely looking for moral support to regain their confidence. The Thai Army, meanwhile, reached out to their American counterparts by promising to incorporate anti-terrorism in the annual Cobra Gold military exercise.

For those who threw their support behind Washington, it was time to make hay. The Philippines came from nowhere to become a "good friend", with promises of more military hardware to fight Muslim separatists, while Pakistan went from being on a number of watch lists to America's sweetheart.

China went from a "strategic competitor" to a "strategic partner" in a matter of days. To show that he meant business, Bush traveled to China. Though the occasion was the Apec summit, for the American president it was an opportunity to show the Chinese that a new spirit of partnership had been forged. 

"Bush had enough reasons to stay at home with the people, but the fact that he chose to go to Shanghai really said something about his determination to win Chinese support," said another Bangkok-based diplomat.

Russia also got the full red-carpet treatment, not to mention the famed Texas hospitality and home cooking, during President Vladimir Putin's recent visit to the US.

The irony of all this is that ever since the Bush team set foot in the White House, the hawks in the cabinet were set to play hardball with Beijing. 

Japan and Germany, meanwhile, went to great pains to show they were capable of taking the heat at home by coming out strongly in support of the US. Indonesia's President Megawati Sukarnoputri stood her ground, went against the public mood, and declared her support for the fight against global terrorism.

"All these countries saw there was a common ground and a new coalition came out of it," Panitan said.

And when Thailand started to change its tune, it was too little and too late. The window of opportunity is gone and it is very unlikely that Thaksin will be getting any special treatment unless, of course, he goes to Washington with something to offer.

In the official itinerary of his "working visit," there will be no 19- or 21-gun salute, no Rose Garden joint press conference, and no luncheon with Bush. The highlight of the trip will be a 40-minute meeting with selected Cabinet members from both sides. 

Thaksin supporters are quick to argue that Washington didn't care about the region when he came into office and that it wasn't until after September 11 that its attitude began to change. The premier had wanted to visit the US earlier in the year but was told to hold off until the Constitution Court verdict on his corruption charges. 

Also, there was the hostile foreign media which tried to paint the Thai premier as a "Thai Con", and as a man who entered politics to protect and enhance his business empire.

His critics, on the other hand, maintain the premier has a track record of getting himself into hot water. Among other things, they cited his famous Escap speech about the need for an Asian economic model, and his comment about the service on Thai Airways International, not to mention the wishy-washy stance on terrorism.

Nevertheless, in his upcoming trip to Washington, Thaksin will try hard to put Thailand back on the Americans' radar screen. What he says or does will shape Thai-US relations as redefined by the aftermath of September 11.

Taliban flees Kandahar with weapons

Seacoastonline

Don Pathan, Associated Press
December 7, 2001

JABAL SARAJ, Afghanistan — Aided by heavy U.S. bombing, opposition forces said they seized a district near Mazar-e-Sharif from Taliban forces Wednesday and were closing in on the key northern city.

Opposition troops took control of Shol Ghar district, about 30 miles from Mazar-e-Sharif, and some units were just eight miles south of the city, said northern alliance spokesman Ashraf Nadeem. The report could not be independently confirmed, and there was no Taliban comment.

The Taliban captured the city in 1998, and losing it would seriously weaken the Islamic militia's position in northern Afghanistan. The northern alliance said it captured several areas south of the city on Tuesday.

U.S. jets played a critical role in the opposition advance, targeting several pickup trucks packed with departing Taliban troops as well as hitting fortified positions, Nadeem said by satellite telephone.

U.S. warplanes also bombed behind Taliban positions on the Kabul front Wednesday. Witnesses said they heard no anti-aircraft fire from Taliban fighters, who have periodically tried to shoot down U.S. jets since the bombing began exactly a month ago.

American jets dropped dozens of bombs late Tuesday and throughout the day Wednesday around positions about 30 miles north of Kabul, the capital. Some explosions were followed by up to 30 smaller detonations.

One blast sent up a huge streak of gray smoke that spread into a white mushroom cloud. U.S. planes circled overhead.

An opposition commander, Qand Agha, 30, said a U.S. jet hit a Taliban tank northeast of Kabul and that a B-52 bomber dropped 20 bombs around the front line in one hour Wednesday afternoon.

"It is improving but it is not enough," Agha said of the bombing. "I would like to see the Americans drop at least 200 bombs a day."

Abdul Maaruf, a 17-year-old opposition fighter with blue, sparkling heart stickers decorating his Kalashnikov, said Taliban artillery fire had diminished in recent days, possibly because gunners were choosing to hold their fire.

"If they don't see any planes, they fire on us," Maaruf said. Taliban trucks have recently arrived with supplies, he said.

Agha said the Taliban were saving their ammunition, possibly expecting an opposition offensive. Four of his fighters watched the front from a rooftop lookout while the other dozen members of the unit played volleyball as the sun set over the plain.

A warmer spell was melting snow on the surrounding Hindu Kush mountains, and opposition fighters said trucks might be able to cross again soon, at least until the next snowfall. But they predicted the passes will snow over by the end of the month, choking off supply routes until spring.

In villages surrounding Jabal Saraj, fliers that witnesses said were jettisoned from a B-52 bomber tumbled from the sky. Children and adults scrambled to pick them up.

The fliers showed a picture of a radio and antenna, and detailed times and frequencies for radio broadcasts in the local Pashtun and Dari languages. The United States has been broadcasting anti-Taliban statements into Afghanistan.

The Taliban's Bakhtar News Agency said bombs north of Kabul, in the eastern city of Jalalabad and the western city of Herat on Tuesday and Wednesday killed at least 23 people and injured several dozen others. The report could not be independently confirmed, and the Pentagon has denied Taliban claims of widespread civilian casualties.

Bakhtar said that U.S. planes dropped food packets before launching bombing raids, but that angry residents burned the aid.

At the Pentagon, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld said Tuesday that an assessment of the opposition claims of gains outside Mazar-e-Sharif would have to wait until the "dust settled."

But after seesawing battles south of the city in recent weeks, the opposition said intense strikes by American planes had opened the way. The alliance had complained earlier that U.S. bombing was not heavy enough.

Nadeem said 500 Taliban soldiers had crossed over to the opposition side. The Taliban have previously denied reports of defections from its ranks.

The northern alliance's key Shiite Muslim commander, Mohammed Mohaqik, said Wednesday he wanted the assault on Mazar-e-Sharif to be carried out in a way that would minimize civilian casualties. Mazar-e-Sharif has a large Shiite Muslim population, although its majority is ethnic Tajik.

"We have to make plans over the next two days as to how to take Mazar-e-Sharif, to reduce the number of casualties," he said. "But it's a war, and with exchange of artillery fire and rockets, people will die."

The Pentagon has said small numbers of American special forces teams are working with northern alliance forces to train and equip them, provide them with additional ammunition and weaponry, and identify targets for U.S. strike aircraft.

But with winter is closing in, bad weather could choke off supply routes for troops. The Pentagon says it intends to start delivering cold-weather clothing to the northern alliance.

President Bush launched airstrikes against Afghanistan on Oct. 7 after the ruling Taliban militia refused to hand over Osama bin Laden for his alleged role in the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks on the United States.\

On Tuesday, Bush pledged "to keep relentless military pressure" on bin Laden and the Taliban, saying it is essential to keep terrorists from acquiring nuclear, chemical and biological weapons.

https://www.seacoastonline.com/story/news/2001/12/07/taliban-flees-kandahar-with-weapons/51296565007/