Don Pathan
The Nation
When they really needed it the most, it wasn't there. But after two years of putting it off, the Thai-Burma Joint Commission is now back on track.
Chaired by the respective foreign ministers of the two countries, the Thai-Burma JC is the highest level of institutionalised working relationship between the two governments.
The meeting in Phuket from January 7-9 is expected to discuss a wide range of issues, from the repatriation of refugees to joint anti-narcotics efforts, as well as economic cooperation. The JC mechanism is being revived at a time when bilateral ties between the two countries appear to be improving. But dig deeper, say Thai army and government officials, and you will find hard feelings and deep-rooted suspicion are still very much alive. It will take more than just a few official visits and handshakes to close this extraordinarily complex chapter in Thai-Burmese history, they say.
For the past eight years following a short-lived honeymoon started by a visit by then Army chief General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh to Rangoon after the takeover by Burmese generals in 1988, Thai-Burmese relations have been characterised by mutual criticism and violence along the border.
One of these incidents took place almost a year ago when day-long cross-border shelling resulted in the death of scores of people from both sides. The shelling, which brought bilateral ties to its lowest ebb, was followed by months of stand-offs between the two armed forces, some of whom were positioned just metres apart. The clashes broke out shortly after Thaksin Shinawatra was sworn in as the new prime minister.
A war of words between the two sides then continued for some time, with respective commanders accusing their counterparts of taking kickbacks from drug dealers. The rhetoric began to die down following Thaksin's visit to Rangoon in June. The trip was billed as a fence-mending trip during which an olive branch was extended to the Burmese. Thus begun a cooling off period.
Today, in spite of the absence of rhetoric, Bangkok-based diplomats, Thai government officials and army commanders insist tension remains. The same old problems - Burmese refugees, anti-Rangoon insurgents and drug trafficking along the border - continue to sour relations between the two countries. Nevertheless, the Thaksin government is convinced it can make things better.
Since Thai Rak Thai first hit the campaign trail, those surrounding Thaksin have gone to great lengths to spell out the party's philosophy in dealing with Burma and other neighbouring countries.
Thailand's interest, they say, is best served by strengthened economic cooperation with its neighbours. By increasing business and trade with Burma, Bangkok will be able to move toward normalising relations with Rangoon. Other problems such as illegal migration and drug trafficking could then be dealt with through the proper channels.
It sounded good, especially to those waiting to cash in on short-term gains from improved Thai-Burmese relations. But for others, particularly drug officials and military personnel on the frontlines, it was wishful thinking.
During the Chuan Leekpai administration, Thai-Burmese relations experienced a number of hiccups. Thailand took up issues that annoyed not only Burma, but other Asean members as well. But for a regional grouping with no political will to tackle sensitive issues, Asean tends to react testily to any mention of subjects such as human rights or transnational security problems. That is exacerbated when a member is singled out as the source of the problems.
And so when Thailand broke ranks with Asean by not voting against a resolution from the International Labour Organisation to condemn Burma's practice of forced labour, things began to get nasty.
Regarding drugs, the previous administration also made it clear Rangoon must be accountable for the illicit activities of the United Wa State Army, which over the years has expanded its operations and control along the Chinese border to areas adjacent to Thailand's northern provinces. Thousands of ethnic Wa and Chinese have been transported in flatbed trucks to Burma's border with China and relocated to UWSA-controlled areas adjacent to Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai.
For the Thai security apparatus, the UWSA, which operates somewhat independently of Rangoon, has essentially became a scapegoat. But at the same time, the 20,000-strong Wa army has became a pawn in Rangoon's dealings with Thailand.
Border checkpoints leading to UWSA-controlled areas just kilometres away from the border were shut, and over 1,000 Thai nationals working in construction were ordered back home. But with this increased security along the Golden Triangle area, methamphetamines from the UWSA's labs trickled in elsewhere - along the banks of the Mekong River in Northeast Thailand and at various spots stretching from Tak province all the way down to the coastal town of Ranong.
However, the Thaksin government has decided to engaged the Wa through a tripartite dialogue with Rangoon. There is talk of a Bt20 million crop-substitution project financed by Thai taxpayers in Wa-controlled areas near the border.
But the move has irked Thailand's frontline commanders who, according to military sources, have a plan of their own - to penetrate the UWSA and plant a disruptive seed inside the organisation. It is a long shot but worth a try, they say.
But with the talks with the Wa off the ground, Thailand has effectively freed Rangoon of any burden for the illicit activities of the UWSA. "They can just say it's between you and the Wa now," said one senior officer who spoke on condition of anonymity
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